Leading economists bullish on India, still cautious optimism prevails for global recovery: WEF survey

Hanshika Ujlayan

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Chief economists have expressed cautious optimism over the global economy, particularly highlighting India's robust performance that put South Asia at the top position globally, according to the latest survey by the World Economic Forum.

A survey released last week by the World Economic Forum makes a series of noteworthy predictions and reveals easing inflation and strong global commerce as key drivers of the optimism for recovery; however, it also points out accelerating debt levels that challenge advanced and developing economies alike.

The World Economic Forum (WEF) is an international non-governmental organization, think tank and lobbying organisation based in Cologny, Canton of Geneva, Switzerland. It was founded on 24 January 1971 by German engineer Klaus Schwab.

As Sri Lanka Heads to the Polls, Economy Takes Center Stage

Amita Arudpragasam

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On Sept. 21, 17 million Sri Lankans will cast their vote to select the country’s next president. This is the first popular election since the country defaulted on its sovereign debt payments in 2022 and spiraled into its worst economic crisis since it gained independence in 1948.

Sri Lanka’s new leader will take the reins of a country still grappling with economic hardship. In 2022, lines for fuel, daily power cuts, severe inflation, and a shortage of drugs and essential goods led to mass protests that forced the resignations of then-President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his brother, then-Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa.

An upset in Sri Lanka propels an outsider into power

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TWO YEARS have passed since Sri Lanka—crippled by covid-19, excessive borrowing and a series of policy blunders—defaulted on its debts. Inflation soared, the rupee plunged in value and fuel supplies ran out. Massive protests toppled the China-friendly president, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who promptly fled to the Maldives. Things are no longer so terrible. Leaders have tamed inflation, secured a bail-out from the IMF and reached agreement with the country’s creditors on restructuring its debts.

Yet many Sri Lankans continue to demand fundamental change. It is not only austerity that angers them: they are fed up with the corruption and cronyism they spy among the country’s elites. All this helps explain the victory of Anura Kumara Dissanayake, an outsider from a party with Marxist and insurgent roots, in a presidential election on September 21st. He easily beat Sajith Premadasa, the son of a former president, in the second round of counting (Sri Lanka uses a preferential voting system). Just 17% of voters selected Ranil Wickremesinghe, the incumbent (who has been prime minister six times) as their first choice.

The result was Sri Lanka’s biggest electoral upset since it gained independence from Britain in 1948. It was also the latest in a series of political upheavals across South Asia that could tilt the balance of power there between China and India. Although Chinese influence has waned lately because of debt problems linked to infrastructure lending, India suffered a setback in August with the overthrow of Sheikh Hasina, a close ally, as prime minister of Bangladesh. A government collapse in Nepal in July brought a pro-China prime minister into office. And in the Maldives India has had to work hard to mend ties with a president who came to power last year on an “India out” platform.

PRC Partnership Diplomacy in the New Era

Jacob Mardell

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In an unprecedented mass promotion, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has elevated 30 African countries in its diplomatic hierarchy (MFA, September 6). The shift was made last week in Beijing at the 9th triennial Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), which 51 African leaders attended. Every nation on the continent now has at least a “strategic partnership” with the PRC, except for Eswatini, which recognizes Taiwan. In his speech at the forum, PRC President Xi Jinping also announced that the national leaders had all agreed to “elevate China-Africa relations [as a whole] to an ‘all-weather China-Africa community of common destiny for the new era’ (将中非关系提升为新时代全天候中非命运共同体).”

“Partnership diplomacy” plays a central role in PRC foreign policy. Through its partnership network, Beijing seeks to shore up global support by swelling its ranks of various types of partners. There are no direct economic or institutional implications to becoming a “strategic partner” of the PRC, nor are there necessarily material benefits to advancing to the level of “comprehensive strategic partnership.” Such promotions can be significant in other ways, however. For partner countries, being officially designated a close partner can provide opportunity for real cooperation.

Israel Gambles on All-Out Confrontation with Hezbollah

Urban Coningham

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The sophisticated remote pager and walkie-talkie attacks on Hezbollah on 17–18 September were followed by an intensive Israeli air campaign against the militant group, which is ongoing. These events were hailed by Israeli Defence Minister Yoav Gallant as a new phase in the country’s conflict with Hezbollah and a shift of gravity in Israel’s conflict from south to north. These actions, driven by intelligence breakthroughs and rapid decision-making, mark a critical moment in the ongoing conflict in the region and could have far-reaching implications for regional stability and Israel's political landscape.

Israel’s ‘Use it or Lose it’ Moment

The sensational events of last week were, arguably, a suboptimal military outcome for Israel. Israel has not publicly claimed responsibility for either attack, though the capability and intelligence from allies point to its involvement. The pager and then the walkie-talkie attacks were originally designed to be the opening salvo in a coordinated and total attack against Hezbollah. This would undoubtedly have been devastating, rendering communications obsolete for Hezbollah while being prepared to simultaneously hit hard with drone and missile strikes, maybe even alongside a ground incursion. Despite this careful planning, US sources have reported that Israel’s leaders were forced to either act instantly or risk losing this asset. This was a ‘use it or lose it’ moment, and has ultimately led Israel to ramp up its pressure on the north to follow what Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah fairly identified as a ‘declaration of war’.

Could Israel’s attacks on Hezbollah open the way to a strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities?

Bronwen Maddox

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As Israel’s strikes in Lebanon increase, the question of its strategic intentions become more pressing.

The government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has chosen to escalate the conflict with Hezbollah on its northern border, even though there is no resolution to the war with Hamas in Gaza, and at a time when violence in the West Bank, including from Israeli settlers, is rising.

Why is Israel doing this? Most explanations point to tactical objectives, dealing with individual threats as they emerge. There is no indication of an underlying strategy for securing peace.

Instead, some analysts worry that Israel’s intention may be to create conditions for an attack on Iran’s nuclear facilities.

Weakening Hezbollah

Israeli ministers justify the attacks on Lebanon by invoking an urgent desire to address the situation in northern Israel. Around 60,000 Israelis have been displaced from their homes in the border region, due to Hezbollah rocket attacks as well as their fears of an invasion and abductions like those of 7 October.

Israel’s and Hezbollah’s Default Option: Keep Fighting

Yezid Sayigh

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On Thursday, the United States, European Union, and ten other countries called for an immediate twenty-one-day ceasefire “to provide space for diplomacy” to end the ongoing violence between Israel and Hezbollah. The fact that the signatories have gone this far toward putting together a joint diplomatic initiative is significant, but it will not bring even a temporary halt to hostilities without a sustained effort backed by meaningful political leverage. Until then, political calculations on both sides dictate that neither Israel nor Hezbollah will cease fire.

That Hezbollah is on the back foot militarily is evident. No less evident is Iran’s unwillingness to step in to relieve the military pressure on Hezbollah: It may have invested in building up the party’s military capabilities over the past four decades in order to reinforce Iranian strategic deterrence against Israel, but Tehran appears resigned to the necessity of absorbing its losses rather than risking a wider war with Israel.

These facts doubtless encourage the Israeli government to press its advantage. But this is not the foremost reason why it is unlikely to accept a ceasefire. For nearly a whole year, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has used the threat of launching a full-scale offensive against Hezbollah and triggering a regional war with Iran to reassert his personal dominance in domestic politics and to gain leverage in relation to the U.S. administration. Being on the brink of a larger war has served Netanyahu’s purposes, whereas actually waging a larger war is a major gamble entailing risks that he has seen no need to take.

The Third Lebanon War between Israel and Hezbollah has begun. What’s next?

Alex Plitsas

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Since the heinous terrorist attack on October 7, 2023, Israel has waged a war against Hamas to ensure that this type of attack cannot happen again. To do so, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu set a goal of demilitarizing Hamas in Gaza and ensuring that it can no longer govern. Simultaneously, Iran’s largest terrorist proxy force, Hezbollah, has fired more than 8,000 rockets, missiles, and mortars into Israel, killing civilians and soldiers alike, and displacing nearly 100,000 Israeli citizens in the north. For months, world powers have been engaging in back-door diplomacy trying to head off a war to no avail. Hezbollah has refused to move its forces from near the Israeli border to the Litani River, approximately nineteen miles north, as required by United Nations (UN) Security Council Resolution 1701, which stipulates that any forces other than UN peacekeepers or Lebanese military must vacate.

Hamas has been severely degraded in Gaza, and Hezbollah has refused to move, so last week Israel began a new approach. This approach is in line with the one it has taken in Gaza that resulted in the first hostage deal in late November 2023. Israel has decided to exert military pressure on Hezbollah to try and force a settlement and repatriation of displaced persons in northern Israel. Here are the steps Israel has taken in the past week:

First, Israel modified the goals of the ongoing war to include returning citizens to their homes in Israel. This was a government action to make the impending military and intelligence operations conducted by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and Mossad in Lebanon a part of the war and to allocate resources accordingly.

Strategic Options to De-escalate the Israel-Hezbollah Conflict

Jeremiah Monk

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INTRODUCTION

The enduring conflict between Israel and Hezbollah has become one of the most entrenched and volatile flashpoints in the Middle East. Rooted in deep-seated political, religious, and territorial issues, this ongoing struggle continues to cause significant human suffering and threatens the stability of the broader region. As tensions escalate, particularly with cross-border rocket attacks, retaliatory strikes, and occasional skirmishes, there is a growing urgency to explore potential strategies to de-escalate hostilities and seek a pathway toward sustainable peace.

Beyond a macabre strategic option of hoping bombardment will lead one side or the other to victory, this article proposes three key strategies that offer pathways to reduce the risk of further escalation: 1) diplomatic engagement and confidence-building measures, 2) regional cooperation and security frameworks, and 3) international mediation and peacekeeping initiatives. Each of these approaches comes with distinct opportunities, challenges, and requirements for success. This article explores these strategies in depth, assesses their viability, and proposes a holistic approach for their implementation.

Iran’s New Outreach to the West Is Risky

Sina Toossi

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Iran’s new reformist president, Masoud Pezeshkian, took the stage at the United Nations General Assembly in New York on Sept. 24 with an unmistakable message. “The appropriate response to Iran is not more sanctions,” he declared. “It’s the fulfillment of previous commitments to lift sanctions, improve the economic conditions of the Iranian people, and pave the way for further agreements.”

Pezeshkian was referencing the 2015 nuclear deal, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), which limited Iran’s nuclear capabilities in exchange for sanctions relief. Despite U.S. President Joe Biden’s efforts to revive the agreement after former President Donald Trump’s withdrawal, the deal remains effectively dead. Yet Pezeshkian and his team of seasoned JCPOA negotiators are signaling a readiness to either restore the original nuclear deal or build a new one, with the possibility of using it as a foundation for broader agreements.

U.S., European Allies, and Arab Powers Propose Israel-Hezbollah Ceasefire to Avert All-Out War

Iain Marlow, Ellen Milligan, Samy Adghirni, Augusta Saraiva and Golnar Motevalli 

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The U.S., European allies and Arab powers proposed a three-week ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon as part of a bid to clear the way for negotiations and avert all-out war after days of air-strikes by Israeli forces.

“It is time to conclude a diplomatic settlement that enables civilians on both sides of the border to return to their homes in safety,” the nations said in a statement released Wednesday evening that called on the governments of Israel and Lebanon to implement the pause in fighting.

If they do so, the countries said they stand ready to support a push toward a deal that would end the crisis altogether—though the terms of such an agreement remained undefined.

Senior Biden administration officials said that they expect the governments of Israel and Lebanon to make statements accepting the deal in the coming hours, and expressed hope that it will open the door to achieving a so-far elusive end to the fighting between Israel and Hamas in the Gaza Strip. There was no immediate word from Hezbollah on whether the Iran-backed group would agree to the deal.

Its strategy may lie in ruins, but Hizbollah will not admit defeat - Opinion

KIM GHATTAS

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The pager attack and Israeli missile strikes against Hizbollah targets have revealed deep and embarrassing security breaches within a group that long prided itself on the discipline and loyalty of its members. 

The start of the Israeli bombing campaign against Lebanon on Monday punctured what was left of the longstanding narrative Hizbollah has sold to its base: that it can protect them and deter Israel. But events of the past week have also brought back to the surface deep schisms inside Lebanon and across the region about its role as a state within a state and a heavily armed regional paramilitary group. 

Former CIA chief Leon Panetta described the pager attacks as a form of terrorism, with “terror going into the supply chain.” The long-term consequences, beyond Lebanon, of booby-trapping everyday objects on a large scale will unfold over time. In Lebanon, meanwhile, the terror was felt on a national level, in a small country, where sirens wailed for hours and panicked mothers unplugged their baby monitors.

Old Tactics, New Targets

Allison Pytlak, James Siebens & Shreya Lad

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When the news first broke about a deadly series of explosions last week involving wireless communication devices against the Hezbollah group, headlines were chock full of references to cyber weapons and cyberattacks. In the confusion about the types of devices that were targeted, many initially assumed that the first round of explosions was triggered by malware, which was also assumed to have been implanted in the pagers. However, it soon became clear that cellphones had not been affected, and that Hezbollah’s reliance on such “old school” communications technology like pagers and walkie-talkies was itself a response to a perceived digital threat: that its cellphones were no longer secure and were presumed to have become tools of Israeli surveillance.

According to expert analyses by the BBC and New York Times based of the trigger mechanism used, the devices were carefully engineered to maximize physical damage with minimal quantities of explosives. The human cost of sabotaging civilian devices in this way –a common terrorist tactic used in the London car bombings, for example, or in attacks using improvised explosive devices, among others– cannot be understated. At the same time, the kinetic nature of this incident is illustrative for several reasons, all of which help to dispel the myth that problems like attribution challenges, supply chain vulnerabilities, and brief shelf lives are unique to the cyber domain or make the cyber domain itself wholly distinct from other domains of conflict.

Details are still emerging about precisely what caused thousands of pagers and, one day later, hundreds of walkie-talkies to detonate. Israel is widely assumed to be responsible. However, the cyber dimension of the two incidents appears to be less consequential than first assumed, with less speculation about the role of hacking operations and cyberattacks.

Hizbullah seems to have miscalculated in its fight with Israel

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WARLORDS are not known for their remorse, but Hassan Nasrallah offered some in 2006, weeks after a war that killed more than 1,100 Lebanese. The fighting began when Hizbullah, the Shia militia and political party he leads, abducted two Israeli soldiers in a raid. Mr Nasrallah said he was surprised by the ferocity of the response and called the raid a mistake. “If I had known…that the operation would lead to such a war, would I do it? I say no, absolutely not,” he told an interviewer.

“We’d Like to Live Without War”

Aaron David Miller

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Aaron David Miller: You were at the UN General Assembly listening to President [Joe] Biden’s speech. When the president mentioned Lebanon, the cameras flashed to you, and you were listening intently. What did you think about what he had to say?

His Excellency Abdallah BouHabib: It was not strong. It was not promising, and it would not solve the Lebanese problem. We need to solve [the problem]. We can’t continue like this, neither the situation that we are in today nor [the situation] we were in the other day before [Israel’s] escalation. And there was no promise in this sense. But we still are hoping the United States is the only country that can really make a difference in the Middle East and with regard to Lebanon.

Miller: Can you describe for us what the general mood of the country is?

BouHabib: I’ve been [in the United States] or on the road since last Thursday, which was this second day [after] we saw the explosions of walkie talkies. . . .

But let me tell you, it is depressing. And nobody expected the war to be taken in that direction. We Lebanese—we’ve had enough war. We’ve had fifteen years of war. . . .

Musk hits back after being shunned from UK summit

Faisal Islam

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The world's richest person, Elon Musk, has hit back after not being invited to the UK government's International Investment Summit.

He was not invited due to his social media posts during last month’s riots, the BBC understands.

"I don’t think anyone should go to the UK when they’re releasing convicted pedophiles in order to imprison people for social media posts," Mr Musk claimed on X.

Earlier this month, the government released some prisoners to reduce prison overcrowding, but no-one serving sentences for sex offences were included.

Following disorder and rioting across the UK in August, some people were jailed for encouraging unrest on social media.

During the August riots, Mr Musk posted on X, formerly Twitter, predicting civil war in the UK and repeatedly attacking the prime minister.

Russia Legalizes Cryptocurrency Mining to Circumvent Western Sanctions

Luke Rodeheffer

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In August, Russian President Vladimir Putin signed legislation formally legalizing cryptocurrency mining (RBC, August 8). The law establishes a registrar, to which each mining operation must be added, along with regulations on how much energy these operations can consume (Kremlin.ru, August 8). The Kremlin has signaled a continued interest in cryptocurrency and blockchain technologies, with new measures expanding their use (see EDM, June 5). Mining had previously operated in a gray legal space, with unsanctioned operations often consuming large amounts of energy from the Russian grid. Calculations from Russia’s National Cryptomining Association show that 54,000 bitcoins, worth $3.5 billion, were mined in 2023, leaving Russia in second place for the amount of money generated from mining after the United States (Vedomosti, May 24). Additionally, Russia’s Central Bank estimated that the amount of money transacted by Russians in cryptocurrency between the 4th quarter of 2023 and the first quarter of 2024 was 4.5 trillion rubles ($49.2 billion) (Vedomosti, May 24). Through the legalization of mining cryptocurrencies, the Russian economy will be able to circumvent Western sanctions more easily.

Putin also signed legislation adopting the use of cryptocurrencies for a pilot project by the Bank of Russia to begin to figure out how to establish a marketplace for the use of cryptocurrencies in international trade (Interfax, August 8). Participants in the project include the Chamber of Commerce, the Electronic Manufacturers Association, and any importers of “dual-use technology” (those that could be used for civilian or military purposes), which face increased scrutiny from Western sanctions authorities (RBC, September 17). In some cases, Chinese banks have refused to facilitate trade with Russian importers, fearing Western sanctions. The ability to use cryptocurrency in international trade will likely reduce the reluctance of international partners to work with Russia.

Russian Attacks on Ukrainian Grain Shipments in Black Sea Hold Broad Implications Amid War

Ihor Kabanenko

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On the night of September 12, the unarmed civilian bulk carrier Aya, registered to Saint Kitts and Nevis and carrying Ukrainian grain to Egypt, was attacked by a Russian Kh-22 cruise missile launched from a Tu-22M3 bomber (24tv.ua, September 12; Ukrainian Shipping Magazine, September 13). “This Russian attack is a brazen assault on freedom of navigation and global food security, in violation of UN General Assembly Resolution A.1183,” Andrii Sybiha, Ukraine’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, stressed (UNN.ua, September 12). As the Kremlin’s war against Ukraine persists and Russia increasingly targets Ukrainian infrastructure, including civilian cargo vessels, security in the Black Sea will continue to be a critical facet of both Kyiv and Moscow’s strategy.

The missile hit the vessel south of Snake Island, about 55 kilometers (34 miles) from the Romanian coast (Ukrainska Pravda, September 12). Snake Island, located 35 kilometers (21 miles) from the Ukrainian coast, is one of the most important strategic locations in Ukraine’s littoral waters. Russia captured the island at the beginning of their large-scale military aggression against Ukraine, but Ukraine recaptured it on June 30, 2022. Russian troops tried to set up a “cover” military complex on the island for their warships that operated in this core area, which became vulnerable after the sinking of the Moskva cruiser. The Russians, however, have repeatedly attacked Snake Island through strategic and tactical aviation after Ukraine took it back (UNIAN.ua, September 21). This type of attack was seen most recently on September 12, when the Aya bulk carrier suffered collateral damage as part of a strike on the island (Intent.press, September 12).

Ukraine's Drone Units Are Using Russia's Own Explosives Against It

Ellie Cook

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The drone war, one of the defining features of the more than two and a half years of full-scale war in Ukraine, evolves at a blinding pace. Hundreds of airborne drones zip across the skies above the front lines each day, ticking off tasks ranging from reconnaissance to targeting, as well as kamikaze strikes designed to take out enemy armored vehicles, personnel and positions.

Among the most famous are cheap first-person view (FPV) drones, well known by now for zooming over the battlefield and capturing footage routinely shared online by both Russian and Ukrainian sources. Often, the video feed will cut off sharply as the drone careens toward its target and explodes.

But although Ukraine's stockpiles of various types of explosive drones are a crucial part of its unmanned aerial vehicles strategy, "we are short, very short on explosive substances," Vadym Mazevych, a former commander of the UAV battalion of the 3rd Separate Assault Brigade, told Newsweek during an interview in the Ukrainian capital on the sidelines of the Yalta European Strategy conference, organized by the Victor Pinchuk Foundation.

Microsoft's CEO for Israel to Appear at Event Celebrating Israeli Military AI

Murtaza Hussain

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On Friday, Israel struck what it claimed was Hezbollah’s center of operations in southern Beirut, aiming to assassinate the organization’s secretary-general Hassan Nasrallah. Israeli Army radio is reporting it used F-35 planes with 2,000-lb. “bunker buster” bombs to hit southern Beirut and cited a senior official saying Israel had informed the U.S. of the strike. Follow our Twitter thread, which will be updated as new reporting emerges, as the event unfolds.

The strike came roughly at the same time Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was addressing the United Nations. Excerpts from his speech, as well as news of the diplomatic boycott by dozens of diplomats, are in the same thread.

Since the start of the war in Gaza, Big Tech has faced increased scrutiny from the public and its own employees about its business dealing with the Israeli military and government. Google, Amazon, and Microsoft, among many other tech firms, have maintained close ties with Israel despite allegations of war crimes in Gaza and indictments targeting senior military and political leaders. This close relationship has included the provision of controversial artificial intelligence and cloud computing software alleged to be employed in Israeli military operations, including in the ongoing war in the Gaza Strip.

The U.S. Has a Better Offer for Africa Than Debt

Henry Tugendhat

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This month, Chinese President Xi Jinping pledged more than $29 billion in new lending commitments at the triennial Forum on China-Africa Cooperation. Washington has once again misunderstood this as a symbol of Chinese economic strength.

Like a deer caught in the headlights, the United States has spent the past few years responding to China’s vast lending programs in Africa and beyond by constructing its own equivalents, mostly lending through institutions such as the International Development Finance Corp. (DFC) and Export-Import Bank with tweaks to their efficiency here and there.

Why Europe Is Losing the Tech Rac

Agathe Demarais

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The United States is the world’s dominant financial and technological power. China is the global manufacturing hegemon. What is Europe’s economic leverage? That question lies at the core of a recent report by former European Central Bank President Mario Draghi. In a nutshell, Draghi argues that the European Union is facing huge economic challenges that could soon make the bloc irrelevant on the global economic scene. This may sound like an alarmist take. Yet a deep dive into U.S., Chinese, and European economic data shows that Draghi’s analysis is spot on. The EU needs to overhaul its economic model—starting with the way it approaches the financing of innovation—if it wants to avoid being squeezed between the United States and China.

The causes of Europe’s economic woes are structural. Demographics and productivity growth determine long-term economic prospects, and the EU is not doing well on either metric. Take demographics: Primarily because of low fertility rates, the EU’s workforce could shrink by around 2 million workers each year by 2040. Europe’s poor demographic prospects will have important ripple effects, not least because financing growing public health care and pension costs will prove increasingly tricky as Europeans age. Things do not look better for productivity, which has grown at a modest 0.7 percent per year on average since 2015—less than half the U.S. rate and a mere one-ninth of China’s reported figure over the same period. One data point says it all: In 1995, U.S. and EU productivity was broadly similar. Today, Europe’s productivity is about 20 percent below America’s.

Air Force looking to disaggregate electronic warfare capabilities from platforms

Mark Pomerleau

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The Air Force is moving away from a platform-centric view of electronic warfare to more of a system-of-systems approach as it revamps its EW arsenal.

The service has been a platform-centric organization historically — meaning it has relied on systems such as aircraft to perform both its mission and contribution to the joint force — but the modern electromagnetic spectrum environment and threat landscape are demanding a new paradigm.

“Most of our electronic warfare programs are platform centric, so there wasn’t a unifying focus on this area as a whole. My own experience suggested that this is a historically neglected area that can have oversized impact, but doesn’t compete well in our internal budget battles relative to other priorities,” Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall said last week at AFA’s Air, Space and Cyber conference.

The Air Force — much like the rest of the U.S. military — has been on a multi-year journey to modernize its outlook on electronic warfare, with officials acknowledging the airborne electronic attack mission for years was driven primarily by the Navy. Similar to other services, at the end of the Cold War it divested in many of its advanced capabilities, such as the venerable EF-111A Raven. Now, the Air Force has set off on a journey to reinvigorate its EW approach and capabilities.

How to Stop Checking Your Phone Every 10 Seconds

Jamie Ducharme

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You’re standing in line at the grocery store or waiting for an elevator. You have no more than a minute to kill. And yet, before you’ve even processed what you’re doing, you’ve pulled out your phone and have begun to mindlessly scroll through TikTok or Instagram.

Sound familiar? It does to Adrian Ward, an associate professor at the McCombs School of Business at the University of Texas at Austin who studies people's relationships to technology. “It’s not even an urge,” he says. “There’s no intention.” In his experience, checking your phone is often automatic.

Research suggests plenty of people do the same thing. Maxi Heitmayer, a teaching fellow who studies human-computer interaction at the London School of Economics and Political Science, found in a small 2022 experiment that only 11% of people’s smartphone checks were in response to a notification. The other 89% of the time, they checked their phones totally unprompted, often without thinking through why they were doing it.

The call of your phone

Why? Heitmayer thinks that, in our ultra plugged-in world, we’re so used to constant stimulation that we feel uncomfortable when we’re not doing anything, even for just a few seconds.

WEF Chair Klaus Schwab: It took just under 4 years to connect 1B people to vital digital services. We must redouble our efforts as the world enters the age of AI

Klaus Schwab

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As the Fourth Industrial Revolution paves the way for greater technological integration, we stand on the brink of the Intelligent Age, an era defined by blending artificial intelligence (AI) and cutting-edge technologies into everyday life. Yet amid this sweeping transformation, we are confronted with a profound paradox: The same technologies that hold extraordinary promise for unprecedented growth, innovation, and human progress also risk deepening divides and exacerbating inequalities. For the Intelligent Age to truly deliver on its potential, we must urgently confront one of its most critical challenges: ensuring digital inclusion for all.

Since its inception in 2021, The EDISON Alliance, a World Economic Forum initiative together with 170 partners, has successfully connected over 1 billion people globally—ahead of its initial 2025 target—to essential digital services in healthcare, education, and finance in over 100 countries. This progress spans over 100 countries, with notable advancements in South Asia and Africa. This remarkable milestone is a testament to the positive impact that can be achieved through the power of public-private partnerships in addressing the global digital divide.

Despite this remarkable success, the global digital divide remains vast. Achieving universal internet access by 2030 is projected to cost $446 billion, according to the Tony Blair Institute. While this may seem like a high price tag, such an investment could deliver $8.7 trillion in benefits to developing countries. A return on investment exceeding 1,800% is a compelling opportunity that any investor should be eager to pursue.