by Tom Rogan
He may have good intentions, but President Trump made a strategic mistake with his Wednesday offer to mediate a growing border crisis between China and India. Trump should instead offer support for India, which is the victim of Chinese aggression here.
Trump's risk of alienating India is significant if he continues on his present course. Brahma Chellaney, a top Indian security commentator, summed up the concern on Twitter.
Yes, Trump's motives here appear sound.
The situation along the contested Indian-Chinese border is increasingly tense. In early May, dozens of soldiers on both sides of the so-called line of control were wounded after fighting with each other with rocks, fists, and kicks. But in recent days, China has flooded troops and equipment to the area along the high-north Indian border at Jammu and Kashmir. More concerning, although likely in-part designed to spark American satellite interest and corollary American requests to Beijing to calm down (Chinese President Xi Jinping wants Trump to owe him), the People's Liberation Army have sent armored vehicles to support their forces. Considering that the two countries have previously fought a war and that each side has hundreds of nuclear warheads, this is not an ideal situation.
Yet, Trump should not view this rising crisis as a simple but serious disagreement between two nations.
What's actually occurring is China's attempt to consolidate control over territory that both sides have long accepted is in dispute. While China has been infuriated by growing Indian civilian infrastructure projects along the line of control, this is ultimately a Chinese effort to militarily formalize that which had previously been the preserve of diplomats. And as increasingly hostile Chinese PLA commanders have made clear in their interactions with Indian counterparts, Beijing has a declining interest in the niceties of discussion.
Why is this America's concern?
Well, considering that India is the world's most populous democracy and adopts an increasingly pro-American foreign policy stance and that China offers the exact opposite narrative, it would make sense for Trump to be more fervent in his support for New Delhi. This point finds added impetus in that China's border escalations are part of the same strategy that defines China's strategy in the South China Sea. Namely, Xi's imperial principle that anything near to China belongs to China. Even if, that is, said area is actually international territory or the sovereign territory of another nation. If you're seeing the parallels between the Soviet Union and China, you're on the mark.
Add to this the fact that Xi aims to make both India and the United States servile to Beijing; less wealthy, less free, and less powerful, Trump should be using China's present escalation to attract India into an American partnership. Again, India is the world's most populous democracy, empowered by the stable and growing rule of law and an increasingly well-educated and prosperous society. A society, in other words, that will provide an increasingly lucrative export market for high-value American goods and an increasingly powerful partner to the U.S.-led liberal international order, that which underpins our wealth and security.
True, India's political tradition suggests it is unlikely to be an exceptionally close ally of NATO-form in the near future. But China is certainly making the case to the Indian political class that they will need a powerful ally for the 21st century. That means either Russia or America.
Putting America first, here, makes sense. Although many of Trump's supporters see that agenda as finding its natural limit with American borders, sustaining our prosperity, peace, and a free world requires our building new partnerships with those facing shared concerns.
Let's not miss the opportunity to prove our worth. Trump should stand with India.
He may have good intentions, but President Trump made a strategic mistake with his Wednesday offer to mediate a growing border crisis between China and India. Trump should instead offer support for India, which is the victim of Chinese aggression here.
Trump's risk of alienating India is significant if he continues on his present course. Brahma Chellaney, a top Indian security commentator, summed up the concern on Twitter.
Yes, Trump's motives here appear sound.
The situation along the contested Indian-Chinese border is increasingly tense. In early May, dozens of soldiers on both sides of the so-called line of control were wounded after fighting with each other with rocks, fists, and kicks. But in recent days, China has flooded troops and equipment to the area along the high-north Indian border at Jammu and Kashmir. More concerning, although likely in-part designed to spark American satellite interest and corollary American requests to Beijing to calm down (Chinese President Xi Jinping wants Trump to owe him), the People's Liberation Army have sent armored vehicles to support their forces. Considering that the two countries have previously fought a war and that each side has hundreds of nuclear warheads, this is not an ideal situation.
Yet, Trump should not view this rising crisis as a simple but serious disagreement between two nations.
What's actually occurring is China's attempt to consolidate control over territory that both sides have long accepted is in dispute. While China has been infuriated by growing Indian civilian infrastructure projects along the line of control, this is ultimately a Chinese effort to militarily formalize that which had previously been the preserve of diplomats. And as increasingly hostile Chinese PLA commanders have made clear in their interactions with Indian counterparts, Beijing has a declining interest in the niceties of discussion.
Why is this America's concern?
Well, considering that India is the world's most populous democracy and adopts an increasingly pro-American foreign policy stance and that China offers the exact opposite narrative, it would make sense for Trump to be more fervent in his support for New Delhi. This point finds added impetus in that China's border escalations are part of the same strategy that defines China's strategy in the South China Sea. Namely, Xi's imperial principle that anything near to China belongs to China. Even if, that is, said area is actually international territory or the sovereign territory of another nation. If you're seeing the parallels between the Soviet Union and China, you're on the mark.
Add to this the fact that Xi aims to make both India and the United States servile to Beijing; less wealthy, less free, and less powerful, Trump should be using China's present escalation to attract India into an American partnership. Again, India is the world's most populous democracy, empowered by the stable and growing rule of law and an increasingly well-educated and prosperous society. A society, in other words, that will provide an increasingly lucrative export market for high-value American goods and an increasingly powerful partner to the U.S.-led liberal international order, that which underpins our wealth and security.
True, India's political tradition suggests it is unlikely to be an exceptionally close ally of NATO-form in the near future. But China is certainly making the case to the Indian political class that they will need a powerful ally for the 21st century. That means either Russia or America.
Putting America first, here, makes sense. Although many of Trump's supporters see that agenda as finding its natural limit with American borders, sustaining our prosperity, peace, and a free world requires our building new partnerships with those facing shared concerns.
Let's not miss the opportunity to prove our worth. Trump should stand with India.
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