Krishnan Srinivasan
The Indian prime minister in New Delhi before leaving for Israel
India and Israel achieved independence in 1947 and 1948 respectively, and both were beset with the problems of partition. India recognized Israel de jure in 1950, but diplomatic relations commenced only in 1992. The Oslo peace process between the Israelis and the Palestinians, the importance of closer relations with the United States of America after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the diminishing sensitivity of the main Indian political parties to Muslim vote-bank politics - all played their part in creating the diplomatic opening. This year, the 25th year of this diplomatic relationship, is being marked by the first visit by our prime minister to that country. The presidents of Israel have been in India twice and its prime minister once, while President Pranab Mukherjee visited Israel in 2015. Bilateral ties have flourished even in the absence of many high-level exchanges, irrespective of the nature of governments in New Delhi and Tel Aviv. Narendra Modi has met Israel's prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, at multilateral meetings and their personal chemistry has been good.
Modi had visited Israel as Gujarat's chief minister, and since becoming prime minister in 2014, has made it very clear that he does not subscribe to the previous inhibitions about an open friendship with Israel. While Israel has a population of only around nine million, it is advanced in technology and has more companies listed in the New York Nasdaq technology index than any developing country. This is because it is highly skilled in military-security hardware, recycling, desalination, bio-technology, water management, healthcare, communications, pharmaceuticals and non-conventional energy. These are all relevant for India's development and Indian private and public companies should consider outright purchase, or failing that, investment to access Israeli technology as high priority. A trade agreement has been under negotiation since 2010, and with total trade standing at about $5 billion, India is Israel's seventh biggest trade partner. There is longstanding cooperation between the diamond industries of Israel and Gujarat. In India, under a science and technology agreement, there is joint research in biotechnology, lasers and the human genome, and 15 Israeli agriculture centres have been set up in 10 states. Thousands of tourists travel in both directions each year and there are 70,000 Indian-origin Jews living in Israel.
The most prominent factor in Modi's engagements thus far with West Asia - the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Iran and Qatar - has been military-security cooperation, and this aspect is expected to dominate his visit to Israel as well. Neither country has signed the Non-proliferation Treaty, and both have nuclear weapons. Both countries are heavily armed, although for decades, Israel has hardly encountered any external threat. In any case, it can always fall back on guaranteed American protection. Strategic Indian investment in Israel could include defence industries, cyber security and nano-technology. This would be the easiest way to obtain technology transfers, though this will involve some very hard bargaining. There could also be stakes for Indian oil and gas companies in the Mediterranean gas fields off Israel.
India is one of the biggest buyer of Israeli military equipment. Israel was the third international supplier to India to a value of one billion dollars in the 2013-2016 period. India launched satellites for Israel in 2005 and 2009, and perhaps, since 1968, there has been intelligence cooperation. The last aspect, together with joint military exercises, has so far been kept away from the public eye. The new spirit of disclosure might change that, as was shown by the detailed briefing given to the Indian media in early April about arms purchases from Israel. These included Barak 1 and Barak 8 missiles for the army and navy, air defence systems, airborne warning and control systems, drones and anti-tank missiles. Stress was placed on Indian collaboration with Israeli Aerospace Industries and Rafael to develop medium-range surface to air missiles in India, thereby making this a part of the 'Make in India' policy for India's defence industries.
Clearly, there are differences of opinion and nuance in international affairs. Israel has an aversion to Iran bordering on paranoia, on which it makes common cause with Saudi Arabia and some Sunni Gulf sheikhdoms. In Israel's case, this could be a way to divert attention from its perennial Palestine problem, the fragility of its government coalitions, corruption charges against top politicians, including the prime minister, and to make some future claim to a role in any Syrian settlement. India cannot share this view of Tehran being a sponsor of terrorism and instability in West Asia. On the contrary, Iran has paid a greater price in material and manpower in combating the Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham than any other nation. Nor can India concur with any agenda for regime change by stealth or by force in Syria. Israel's determination to put down Palestinian resistance with an iron fist earns it few friends in India, whether among the Muslim or the Hindu communities. It is to be hoped that Modi will leave no doubts in Israeli minds regarding India's position on these issues, which are matters of principle.
Modi's stand-alone visit to Israel, in other words, his choice of not travelling to Palestinian-held territories in the West Bank or Gaza, is evidence that New Delhi seeks no role in bringing together the Israelis and Palestinians, in spite of having friendly relations with both - a position sought only recently by President Donald Trump. This is also realistic; many have tried and failed to bridge the chasm of mistrust. This problem is a historical legacy best left to the super-powers, the Jews and their Arab neighbours. A gesture by Modi towards the president of the Palestinian Authority, Mahmoud Abbas,is not likely to yield any political or economic advantage. An outward show of support for the Palestinians has little traction for India's relations with the Muslim world, or even for the Modi government's connections with the Muslim constituency in India. Modi has shown that he is capable of taking in his stride the expected criticism from the Congress and what remains of the Indian Left, especially as informed critics will know that the Hamas-ruled Gaza Strip is not under the authority of Abbas, who has not been able to set foot there since 2005.
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