Andrew Bacevich
President-elect Donald Trump’s message for the nation’s senior military leadership is ambiguously unambiguous. After winning the election on Nov. 8, 2016, he went on 60 Minutes and had this exchange with journalist Lesley Stahl.
Trump: “We have some great generals. We have great generals.”
Stahl: “You said you knew more than the generals about [Islamic State].”
Trump: “Well, I’ll be honest with you, I probably do because look at the job they’ve done. Okay, look at the job they’ve done. They haven’t done the job.”
In reality, Trump, a former reality show host, knows next to nothing about Islamic State — one of many gaps in his education that his impending encounter with actual reality is likely to fill. Yet when it comes to America’s generals and winning wars, our president-to-be is onto something.
No doubt our three- and four-star officers qualify as “great” in the sense that they mean well, work hard and are altogether fine men and women. That they have not “done the job,” however, is indisputable — at least if their job is to bring America’s wars to a timely and successful conclusion.
Trump’s unhappy verdict — that the senior U.S. military leadership doesn’t know how to win — applies in spades to the two principal conflicts of the post-9/11 era. These are the Afghanistan War, now in its 16th year, and the Iraq War, which America launched in 2003 and — after a brief hiatus — still grinds on.
Yet the verdict applies equally to lesser theaters of conflict, largely overlooked by the American public, that in recent years have engaged the attention of U.S. forces. That list would include conflicts in Libya, Somalia, Syria and Yemen.
Granted, our generals have demonstrated an impressive aptitude for moving pieces around on a dauntingly complex military chessboard. Brigades, battle groups and squadrons shuttle in and out of various war zones, responding to the needs of the moment.
The sheer immensity of the enterprise across the Greater Middle East and northern Africa — the sorties flown, munitions expended, the seamless deployment and redeployment of thousands of troops over thousands of miles, the vast stockpiles of material positioned, expended and continuously resupplied — represents a staggering achievement.
Measured by these or similar quantifiable outputs, America’s military has excelled. No other military establishment in history could have come close to duplicating the logistical feats performed year in, year out by the armed forces of the United States.
Nor should we overlook the resulting body count. Since the autumn of 2001, approximately 370,000 combatants and noncombatants have died in the various theaters of operations where U.S. forces have been active. Although modest by twentieth century standards, this post-9/11 harvest of death is hardly trivial.
Yet in evaluating military operations, it’s a mistake to confuse how much with how well. Only rarely do the outcomes of armed conflicts turn on comparative statistics.
Ultimately, the one measure of success that really matters involves achieving war’s political purposes. By that standard, victory requires not simply the defeat of the enemy, but accomplishing the nation’s stated war aims — and not just in part or temporarily, but definitively.
Anything less constitutes failure, not to mention utter waste for taxpayers. For those called upon to fight, it constitutes cause for mourning.
By that standard, having been “at war” for virtually the entire twenty-first century, the United States military is still looking for its first win. And however strong the disinclination to concede that Donald Trump could be right about anything, his verdict on American generalship qualifies as apt.
A never-ending parade of commanders for wars that never end
That verdict brings to mind three questions. First, with Trump a rare exception, why have the recurring shortcomings of America’s military leadership largely escaped notice?
Second, to what degree does faulty generalship suffice to explain why actual victory has proven so elusive? Third, to the extent that deficiencies at the top of the military hierarchy bear directly on the outcome of our wars, how might the generals improve their game?
As to the first question, the explanation is quite simple. During protracted wars, traditional standards for measuring generalship lose their salience. Without pertinent standards, there can be no accountability.
Absent accountability, failings and weaknesses escape notice. Eventually, what you’ve become accustomed to seems tolerable. Twenty-first century Americans inured to wars that never end have long since forgotten that bringing such conflicts to a prompt and successful conclusion once defined the very essence of what generals were expected to do.
People have presumed senior military officers possess unique expertise in designing campaigns and directing engagements. Not found among mere civilians or even among soldiers of lesser rank, this expertise provided the rationale for conferring status and authority on generals.
In earlier eras, the very structure of wars provided a relatively straightforward mechanism for testing such claims to expertise. Events on the battlefield rendered harsh judgments, creating or destroying reputations with brutal efficiency.
Back then, standards employed in evaluating generalship were clear-cut and uncompromising. Those who won battles earned fame, glory, and the gratitude of their countrymen.
Officials in Washington fired generals who lost battles or put them out to pasture.
During the Civil War, for example, Abraham Lincoln did not need an advanced degree in strategic studies to conclude that Union generals like John Pope, Ambrose Burnside, and Joseph Hooker didn’t have what it took to defeat the Army of Northern Virginia. Humiliating defeats sustained by the Army of the Potomac at the Second Bull Run, Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville made that obvious enough.
Similarly, the victories Ulysses S. Grant and William T. Sherman gained at Shiloh, at Vicksburg and in the Chattanooga campaign strongly suggested that here was the team to which the president could entrust the task of bringing the Confederacy to its knees.
Today, public drunkenness, petty corruption or sexual shenanigans with a subordinate might land generals in hot water. But as long as they avoid egregious misbehavior, senior officers charged with prosecuting America’s wars are largely spared judgments of any sort.
Trying hard is enough to get a passing grade.
With the country’s political leaders and public conditioned to conflicts seemingly destined to drag on for years, if not decades, no one expects the general-in-chief in Iraq or Afghanistan to bring things to a successful conclusion. His job is merely to manage the situation until he passes it along to a successor, while duly adding to his collection of personal decorations and perhaps advancing his career.
Today, for example, Army Gen. John Nicholson commands U.S. and allied forces in Afghanistan. He’s only the latest in a long line of senior officers to preside over that war, beginning with U.S. Army Gen. Tommy Franks in 2001 and continuing with generals Paul Mikolashek, David Barno, Karl Eikenberry, Dan McNeill, David McKiernan, Stanley McChrystal, David Petraeus, John Allen, Joseph Dunford and John Campbell.
The title these officers carried changed over time. So, too, did the specifics of the “mission” as Operation Enduring Freedom evolved into Operation Freedom’s Sentinel.
Yet even as expectations slipped lower and lower, none of the commanders rotating through Kabul delivered. Not a single one has, in our president-elect’s concise formulation, “done the job.” Indeed, it’s increasingly difficult to know what that job is, apart from preventing the Taliban from quite literally toppling the government.
In Iraq, meanwhile, Army Lt. Gen. Stephen Townsend currently serves as the — count ’em — ninth American to command U.S. and coalition forces in that country since the George W. Bush administration ordered the invasion of 2003.
The first in that line — once again — Tommy Franks, overthrew the Saddam Hussein regime and thereby broke Iraq. The next five, generals — Ricardo Sanchez, George Casey, David Petraeus, Raymond Odierno and Llyod Austin — labored for eight years to put it back together again.
At the end of 2011, Pres. Barack Obama declared that they had done just that and terminated the U.S. military occupation. Islamic State soon exposed Obama’s claim as specious when its militants put a U.S.-trained Iraqi army to flight and annexed large swathes of that country’s territory.
Following in the footsteps of his immediate predecessors generals James Terry and Sean MacFarland, U.S. Army Gen. Stephen Townsend shouldered the task of trying to restore Iraq’s status as a more or less genuinely sovereign state. He took over what the Pentagon called Operation Inherent Resolve, dating from June 2014.
This mission followed Operation New Dawn, which ran from September 2010 to December 2011. That effort was itself the successor to Operation Iraqi Freedom, which officially started in March 2003 and ended in August 2010.
When and how Inherent Resolve will conclude is difficult to forecast. This much we can, however, say with some confidence — with the end nowhere in sight, Gen. Townsend won’t be its last commander.
Other generals are waiting in the wings with their own careers to polish. As in Kabul, the parade of U.S. military commanders through Baghdad will continue.
For some readers, this listing of mostly forgotten names and dates may have a soporific effect. Yet it should also drive home Trump’s point.
The United States may today have the world’s most powerful and capable military — so at least they constantly tell us. Yet the record shows that it does not have a corps of senior officers who know how to translate that capability into successful outcomes.
Draining which swamp?
That brings us to the second question. Even if commander-in-chief Trump were somehow able to identify modern day equivalents of Grant and Sherman to implement his war plans, secret or otherwise, would they deliver victory?
On that score, we would do well to entertain doubts. Although senior officers charged with running recent American wars have not exactly covered themselves in glory, it doesn’t follow that their shortcomings offer the sole or even a principal explanation for why those wars have yielded such disappointing results.
The truth is that some wars aren’t winnable and no one should fight them in the first place.
So, yes, Trump’s critique of American generalship possesses merit. But whether he knows it or not, the question truly demanding his attention as the incoming commander-in-chief isn’t “Who should I hire — or fire — to fight my wars?”
Instead, far more urgent is “Does further war promise to solve any of my problems?”
One mark of a successful business executive is knowing when to cut your losses. It’s also the mark of a successful statesman.
Trump claims to be the former. Whether his putative business savvy will translate into the world of statecraft remains to be seen.
Early signs are not promising.
As a candidate, Trump vowed to “defeat radical Islamic terrorism,” destroy Islamic State, “decimate Al Qaeda” and “starve funding for Iran-backed Hamas and Hezbollah.” Those promises imply a significant escalation of what Americans used to call the Global War on Terrorism.
Toward that end, the incoming administration may well revive some aspects of the George W. Bush playbook, including repopulating the military prison at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, and “if it’s so important to the American people,” re-instituting torture. The Trump administration will at least consider re-imposing sanctions on countries like Iran. It may aggressively exploit the offensive potential of cyber-weapons, betting that America’s cyber-defenses will hold.
Yet Pres. Trump is also likely to double down on the use of conventional military force. In that regard, his promise to “quickly and decisively bomb the hell out of [Islamic State]” offers a hint of what is to come.
Trump’s appointment of the uber-hawkish retired U.S. Army Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn as his national security adviser and his rumored selection of retired U.S. Marine Corps Gen. James “Mad Dog” Mattis as defense secretary suggest that he means what he says. In sum, a Trump administration seems unlikely to reexamine the conviction that the problems roiling the Greater Middle East will someday, somehow yield to a U.S.-imposed military solution.
Indeed, in the face of massive evidence to the contrary, that conviction will deepen, with genuinely ironic implications for the Trump presidency.
In the immediate wake of 9/11, George W. Bush concocted a fantasy of American soldiers liberating oppressed Afghans and Iraqis and thereby “draining the swamp” that served to incubate anti-Western terrorism. The results achieved proved beyond disappointing, while the costs exacted in terms of lives and dollars squandered were painful indeed.
Incrementally, with the passage of time, many Americans concluded that perhaps the swamp most in need of attention was not on the far side of the planet but much closer at hand — right in the imperial city nestled alongside the Potomac River. To a very considerable extent, Trump defeated Hillary Clinton, preferred candidate of the establishment, because he advertised himself as just the guy disgruntled Americans could count on to drain that swamp.
Yet here’s what too few of those Americans appreciate, even today. War created that swamp in the first place.
War empowers Washington. It centralizes. It provides a rationale for federal authorities to accumulate and exercise new powers.
It makes government bigger and more intrusive. It lubricates the machinery of waste, fraud, and abuse that causes tens of billions of taxpayer dollars to vanish every year.
When it comes to sustaining the swamp, nothing works better than war.
Were Trump really intent on draining that swamp — if he genuinely seeks to “Make America Great Again” — then he would extricate the United States from war. His liquidation of Trump University, which was to higher education what Freedom’s Sentinel and Inherent Resolve are to modern warfare, provides a potentially instructive precedent for how to proceed.
But don’t hold your breath on that one. All signs indicate that, in one fashion or another, our combative next president will perpetuate the wars he’s inheriting.
Trump may fancy that, as a veteran of Celebrity Apprentice — but not of military service — he possesses a special knack for spotting the next Grant or Sherman. But acting on that impulse will merely replenish the swamp in the Greater Middle East along with the one in Washington. And soon enough, those who elected him with expectations of seeing the much-despised establishment dismantled will realize that they’ve been had.
Which brings us, finally, to that third question. To the extent that deficiencies at the top of the military hierarchy do affect the outcome of wars, what can be done to fix the problem?
The most expeditious approach would be to purge all currently serving three- and four-star officers. Then, make a precondition for promotion to those ranks confinement in a re-education camp run by Iraq and Afghanistan war amputees, with a curriculum designed by Veterans for Peace.
Graduation should require each student to submit an essay reflecting on these words of wisdom from U.S. Grant himself — “There never was a time when, in my opinion, some way could not be found to prevent the drawing of the sword.”
True, such an approach may seem a bit draconian. But this is no time for half-measures — as even Donald Trump may eventually recognize.
Andrew J. Bacevich, a TomDispatch regular, is professor emeritus of history and international relations at Boston University. His most recent book is America’s War for the Greater Middle East: A Military History. This article originally appeared at TomDispatch.
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