Roland Oliphant
Who are Russia's cyber-warriors?
Western intelligence services and cyber security firms say they have identified two particular groups involved in the hack of the Democratic National Committee (DNC) that led to a series of embarrassing emails being leaked to the public ahead of the US presidential election.
The first group, known as APT 29, “Cozy Bear,” or “The Dukes,” penetrated the DNC in July 2015. It is believed to be linked to the FSB, the main successor agency to the KGB, the Soviet Union's sprawling intelligence outfit.
The second, which security experts call APT 28, or “Fancy Bear,” hacked in March 2016. Crowdstrike, the security firm hired by the DNC to investigate the hack, concluded it was linked to the Main Intelligence Directorate (GRU), the Russian ministry of defence's intelligence agency.
APT stands for Advanced Persistent Threat, a term cyber security experts use to refer to known networks of hackers. Cozy and Fancy Bear are not the only ones linked to national governments. APT-1, for example, is believed to be a Chinese government operation.
How do they work?
Both Cozy Bear and Fancy Bear gained access to computers through a technique called “spear phishing,” where attackers use carefully tailored fake emails and websites to trick target individuals into uploading malware onto their computer systems.
But thinking of them as glorified bank scammers would be a big mistake, says Thomas Rid, the author of Rise of the Machines and an expert on espionage at King's College London.
In the DNC hacks, the emails they used were so carefully targeted and convincing that they achieved a success rate of one in seven emails.
“That’s not one in seven people who opened the email or clicked a link – that’s one in seven who actually typed in their passwords – a phenomenal success rate,” said Mr Rid. “It’s extremely sophisticated. Don’t think they wouldn’t fool you.”
So now Russia has divisions of nerds as well as tanks?
No one knows. The German intelligence services have estimated that Russia’s three main intelligence outfits – the FSB, GRU, and SVR (the foreign intelligence service, roughly Russia’s MI6) – have up to 4,000 cyber agents. That's not an outlandish number - the United States said in 2014 it would seek to hire 6,000 such staff.
Between them they have targeted foreign political parties, the German parliament, defence companies, and media organisations.
But that doesn’t mean there are thousands of nerds wearing shoulder-board epaulettes. Much more likely, says Andrei Soldatov, co-author of The Red Web, is the use of “informal actors” – activists, criminal groups, and possibly even legitimate cyber tech firms – who are curated by and act for the state, but hold no formal rank or position.
Outsourcing is a tactic Russia has used elsewhere to create plausible deniability and lower the costs and risks of controversial overseas operations.
When Russian troops moved into Crimea and east Ukraine in 2014, they were preceded by nationalist activists who insisted (and still do insist) they were acting independently.
It also makes it difficult to build an accurate picture of the Russian cyber warfare programme. Given the information publicly available, says Mr Soldatov, it is difficult to see how intelligence agencies are so sure Fancy Bear is definitely the GRU, for example.
Pro-Kremlin activists celebrate the incorporation of Crimea in Red Square, Moscow, in March 2014 CREDIT: AFP/GETTY IMAGES
What about Mr Putin?
Dmitry Peskov, Vladimir Putin's spokesman, says US officials should "either stop talking about it or finally produce some evidence, otherwise it all begins to look unseemly."
However, it is generally believed that sophisticated cyber operations go up to the Kremlin – and strategic direction and final sign off on large scale operations like the one that targeted the DNC almost certainly sits with Mr Putin or one of his close advisors.
But most experts believe the Russian cyber programme is too big to be micro-managed by one man.
In fact, rival agencies appear to be running rival programmes, and they may not always be coordinating with one another.
APT 29 – “Cozy Bear”, supposedly linked the the FSB – for example, displayed a stealthy, low-profile modus operandi that you might associate with a civilian spy agency looking to gather intelligence.
They weren’t caught until APT 28 – their presumably military colleagues – blundered in and set alarm bells ringing.
How does America fight back?
Barack Obama has promised to respond, but a tit-for-tat retaliation presents obvious risks.
For a start, it is not difficult to image how a war in cyberspace could spill into a war in the real world, said General Lord Richards, a former chief of the defence staff.
"You never really quite know where it's going to end up. Are they going to start having a go at our financial system, electricity?” he said on the BBC’s Today programme.
“You have got to be very, very careful and that is why he has been rather cagey, I think, in choosing his words the way he has," Lord Richards added.
And leaking politically compromising information related to the Russian government probably would not be as politically damaging to Vladimir Putin as it was to Hillary Clinton.
That’s partly because the Kremlin maintains a near monopoly on the Russian media landscape, and partly because many Russians have few illusions about their politicians.
The Panama Papers, which revealed one of Mr Putin’s close friends had been handling suspiciously large sums of money, was largely greeted with a collective shrug – but also with the suspicion that it was a CIA operation trying to discredit the country’s leadership.
If anything, a mirror image response from Washington would confirm those suspicions – reinforcing the perception of Mr Putin is a strong leader defending the country against an aggressive US.
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