http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2016/04/13/top-brass-military-should-stay-out-of-politics.html?source=TDB&via=FB_Page
Nancy A. Youssef
The head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff is ordering commanders to keep well clear of the political debates in the current presidential campaign.
Nancy A. Youssef
The head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff is ordering commanders to keep well clear of the political debates in the current presidential campaign.
The
highest-ranking U.S. military officer is ordering commanders to tread
carefully during the current presidential campaign—even if their
expertise could correct misguided ideas about national security.
This presidential campaign has introduced some of the boldest—some would say craziest—national security proposals, including reinstituting torture, defunding NATO, and bombing the self-proclaimed Islamic State until “sand glows in the dark.”
For
Marine Gen. Joseph Dunford, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,
the increased call on the military to referee campaign ideas is such a
problem that he has quietly urged commanders to stay out of the
political fray. This week, he is expected to also issue a memo outlining
to generals how to navigate the current political discourse.
He will remind generals that their assessments could become political fodder, even if they don’t intend it that way.
The
military, Dunford argues, must retain its place as a non-political
force that offers its best military advice to whatever party the
commander in chief comes from.
There
is an expectation that military commanders are supposed to give their
honest assessment. And Americans say they see the military as the only
apolitical, relatively honest arbiter on national security matters.
Perhaps because of that, when the candidates fall short on specifics, it
often falls to the military to provide the kind of measured nuance
missing on the campaign trail.
Indeed,
each time a general has nixed an idea that has popped up during the
primaries, it has all but disappeared from the political discourse. On
Feb. 1, for example, Lt. Gen. Sean MacFarland, the commander of the U.S.
campaign against ISIS, rejected Republican Sen. Ted Cruz’s idea of
carpet-bombing ISIS.
“At
the end of the day, it doesn't only matter whether or not you win, it
matters how you win. And we're the United States of America and we have a
set of guiding principles and those affect the way we as professional
soldiers, airmen, sailors, Marines, conduct ourselves on the
battlefield,” MacFarland told reporters.
“So indiscriminate bombing, where we don't care if we're killing
innocents or combatants, is just inconsistent with our values.”
A month later, Lt. Gen. Charles Brown, commander of U.S. Air Forces in the Middle East, was more direct:
“Carpet-bombing
is not effective for the operation we’re actually executing because
we’re using precision-guided munitions on a regular basis,” Brown told reporters
at the time. “And, on top of that, as you look at the ... law of armed
conflict and us trying to minimize civilian casualties, carpet-bombing
is just, in my opinion, not the way to go.”
Dunford
himself unintentionally became the part of the discourse when a
reporter asked him whether NATO was obsolete, referring to Republican
presidential candidate Donald Trump’s assessment in a meeting with the Washington Post editorial board.
Dunford
answered the question, not realizing Trump had proposed it, saying, “In
my mind, the relevance of NATO is not at all in question.”
That he was presented as rebutting Trump inspired his push to keep the military out of the fray.
But
can the military really be extracted from American politics? Of this
country’s 44 presidents, 12 have been former generals, albeit retired by
the time they took office. In recent weeks, some have suggested that Ret. Gen. James Mattis, the former Marine Corps commandant, run for office.
And the kind of national buzz about America’s next president has hardly spared the Pentagon, where some are threatening to resign, depending on the outcome.
Moreover,
today’s general is often a politician as much as a military tactician.
Last month, when reporters asked Air Force Gen. Philip Breedlove, the
NATO supreme allied commander, about the effectiveness of torture, he
sought to dodge the political debate, noting that European leaders turn to him for guidance on the U.S. political process:
“Rather
than address any single element and to stay clearly out of a political
sense, I would just tell you that I get a lot of questions from our
European counterparts on our election process this time in general. I
think they see a very different sort of public discussion than they have
in the past, and I think I’ll just leave it at that.”
Christopher
Preble, vice president for defense and foreign policy studies at the
Cato Institute, explained that generals cannot control the context in
which they explain war, particularly during an election year. So they
must tread a thin line of giving their best military advice knowing that
it could be exploited.
And
so long as the American public extends a kind of blind deference to
military commanders and their thoughts on war, the apolitical military
will be harder to maintain.
“Public
deference to the judgment of military professionals has become a
problem. All of the respect the military has is understandable. But it’s
as though if a military officer endorses an idea then it must be a good
one. That is not necessarily the case,” Preble explained to The Daily
Beast. “The military is the most respected institution in the country,
higher than organized religion. So, in that sense, we are all to blame.”
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