REVITALISING INDIA-US RELATIONS – ANALYSIS

By Lt Gen Kamal Davar*

On his first visit to India in November 2010, addressing the joint session of the Indian parliament, US President Barack Obama had enthusiastically proclaimed that “India-US relations will be the defining relationship of the 21st century”.

That after the stirrings of a promising relationship in 2005, between the world’s largest and most powerful democracies, commencing under US president George W. Bush and then his successor, Barack Obama with then Indian prime minister Manmohan Singh, the relationship, driven by common concerns of Islamist terrorism, energy security, climate change and US support, in principle, of India’s permanent membership of the Security Council — did lose its momentum is a well-accepted fact as regards an uneasy and unequal roller coaster relationship.

Notwithstanding clichés like ‘India and US being natural partners’ attributable to convergence of varied interests both regionally and globally, mutual relations between US and India, in the last three-four years in particular, had become rather lukewarm. However, it must be stated in all fairness to the previous United Progressive Alliance (UPA) regime that in the last few years India did receive some high -ticket, modern military equipment from the US, like the C-130, C-17 and P-80 aircraft, besides heavy lift and attack helicopters, all worth $10 billion, besides the signing of a strategic framework in 2005 and importantly, the widely acclaimed civil nuclear agreement in 2010 between the two nations.

The much-heralded US visit in September 2014 of newly elected Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has by all accounts once again laid the foundations of a relationship which displays all the ingredients of a vibrant association for mutual benefit. Thus, the unprecedented second visit in a presidential tenure ever by any US president resonates with much promise for both the democracies and its outcome will be closely monitored, by not only both the nations, its friends and critics alike but by the world at large. However, much effort and accommodation by both nations to iron out many contentious issues existing between them is required to ensure the visit by President Obama as the chief guest at India’s Republic Day (the first by any US president), is an unqualified success in deliverables and not just mere optics.

The rescheduling in Washington of the joint US Congress session where the US president delivers his State of the Union address to enable President Obama to attend our Republic Day celebrations indeed displays the importance which the US currently accords to India-US relations being taken to a higher level. However, major divergences which currently confront the two nations require more than patient addressal to enable the US president’s current visit to India to be deemed a success.

Issues which require resolution between the two nations include the contentious nuclear liability law which is being opposed by US corporate giants who are seeking to build civil nuclear reactors in India once the matter is settled. India’s experience of the 1984 Bhopal tragedy and US major Union Carbide’s criminal insensitivity in matters of payment of insurance to the affected victims remains afresh in Indian memory. US officials, though generally unhappy with Indian trade practices, India’s intellectual property (IP) law, India’s doggedness on its policy of curbing emissions and climate change, now stress that they are trying “working around” Indian sensitivities rather than jettisoning negotiations with the insistent Indians. In addition, the US wants India to be far more forthcoming on global political issues which affect the US and the West.

In recent times, India has strongly conveyed its concerns to the US administration on the new immigration legislation for India’s IT industry, the movement of its professionals, raising the cost of H1B and L1 visas, totalisation agreement and outsourcing etc.

However, there is likely to be good news on many other fronts with the Strategic Framework 2005 being now further extended by another 10 years as also the Defence Technology Trade Initiative being given further impetus by the US. The latter would open up India to joint development and production of high-end technology military hardware. It has been reported that the US has offered 17 items/projects for this venture which is being currently discussed in Delhi between the US Under Secretary for Defence Frank Kendall with his Indian counterparts.

However, old suspicions as regards US propensity for imposing sanctions do exist within India. This could be now sorted with the strategic discourse among the two nations now reaching a different level. India must emphasize on transfer of cutting edge technology, whilst going in for joint production and even export of military hardware, to be included in any such agreements.

During the ensuing India-US dialogue, India must ask the US to impress upon its protégé Pakistan to totally depart from its old and myopic policy of employing terror as an extension of its state policy against India as well as stop its interference in nearby Afghanistan. The safety and security of the increasing Pakistani nuclear arsenal, especially seen in the light of terrorist resurgence in Pakistan, is indeed an alarming factor for the world including for the US. Both nations thus, unselfishly, must strive for genuine intelligence cooperation to defeat the common scourge of terror and the creeping global jihad.

As India and the US initiate measures for naval cooperation with nations like Japan, Vietnam and Australia in the strategic Indo-Pacific region, it will be prudent to try and get China on board, notwithstanding the latter’s proclivity for asserting itself. However, the US must ensure that by stopping the route of export of state-of-the-art dual use technology (going on for years) to China, the latter does not benefit in its military modernization programmes.

India-US relations are indeed poised now excitingly at a breakthrough stage —- genuine cooperation between the two nations will indeed be a major factor for both regional stability and global peace. Symbolism, an important ingredient of diplomacy, must now be replaced by solid collaboration.