Modi Muscle in Foreign Policy

http://www.newindianexpress.com/columns/Modi-Muscle-in-Foreign-Policy/2014/10/20/article2485353.ece

By Satish Chandra

Published: 20th October 2014 

On assuming office as prime minister, there was much uncertainty as to what would be the style and substance of Narendra Modi’s foreign policy. While some wagered it would be blatantly chauvinistic, others felt it was likely to be marked by diffidence. In a little over four months in office, Modi has set at rest all speculation and provided clear indications of the nature of his foreign policy and how he would conduct it.

In terms of style, Modi is his own man and will not let anyone including the external affairs ministry to set the tone or dampen his innovation. His invite to the SAARC countries and Mauritius for his swearing-in, the choice of Bhutan for his first bilateral visit, his reception of Xi Jinping in Gujarat, his packed schedule in the US bear the hallmarks of his personal touch. His unmatched communicative skills constitute an integral and valuable part of his diplomacy. This talent is especially well-suited to forging close personal ties with key players and will stand him in good stead over time. Projecting Indianness—whether by speaking in Hindi, worshipping at the Pashupatinath temple in Nepal and providing funds to build a dharamshala or maintaining his Navratra fast in the US—forms a novel element in Indian diplomacy that he has taken to a new level. As to substance, Modi’s foreign policy is informed by the overarching vision that it must be relentlessly harnessed to build a more developed, prosperous and stronger India. In the backdrop of this vision, his foreign policy appears to encompass the following elements: primacy to dealings with neighbours; cultivation of all major players to leverage their capacities to develop India; hedging against a rising China; robust protection of Indian interests; harnessing of the diaspora for furthering Indian interests.

That dealings with neighbours will enjoy a very high priority in Modi’s foreign policy was evident in the president’s address on June 9 to both houses of Parliament. He underlined that the invitation to the SAARC neighbours for Modi’s swearing-in symbolised the government’s “commitment and determination to work towards building a peaceful, stable and economically interlinked neighbourhood which is essential for the collective development and prosperity of the South Asian Region”. Modi’s choice of Bhutan for his first bilateral visit followed weeks later by his Nepal visit is evidence of the importance attached by him to India’s relations with neighbours. The latter assumes great significance as the last visit to Nepal by an Indian prime minister was way back in 1997. Visits to both countries were a resounding success due to Modi winning the hearts and minds of all those who he interacted with, the content of the cooperative initiatives undertaken, and in part due to India’s largesse by way, for instance, of the $1-billion soft credit line extended to Nepal for infrastructure and energy development as per its priorities and requirements and the `45 billion pledged to Bhutan for its 11th five-year plan.

Modi’s visit to Japan and the US greatly strengthened India’s ties with the countries particularly in the economic and commercial fields. Similarly, Xi Jinping’s visit was also used to upgrade Sino-Indian economic links notwithstanding the troubled relationship between the two. The joint statement issued during his visit indicates China would seek to realise an investment of $20 billion in the next five years, set up two industrial parks in India, participate in the country’s rail modernisation and that steps would be taken to address the huge trade imbalance. In case of Japan, the Tokyo Declaration asserted that the Modi-Abe meeting constituted the “dawn of a new era” in Japan-India ties. Economic links are set to undergo a quantum jump with Modi and Abe targeting a doubling of Japanese foreign direct investment in India in the next five years to a level of 3.5 trillion yen in the areas of next-generation infrastructure, connectivity, transport systems, smart cities, rejuvenation of rivers, manufacturing, clean energy, skill development, water security, food processing and agro industry, agricultural cold chain, and rural development. Similarly, the India-US joint statement had a detailed section on economic cooperation envisaging a five-fold increase in bilateral trade, enhanced participation of US firms in Indian infrastructure projects, and US support for smart cities, for the sanitation and cleanliness drive, and for the modernisation of its railway network. In addition, Modi made a powerful pitch to the heads of several US companies to invest in India under his “Make in India” campaign.

The Indo-US and Indo-Japan joint statements also bring out that Modi has engaged in hedging against China. The former asserts that Modi and Obama intended “to expand defense cooperation to bolster national, regional, and global security” and that the two nations “would build an enduring partnership in which both sides treat each other at the same level as their closest partners, including defense technology transfers, trade, research, co-production, and co-development”. It also states the two leaders expressed concern about rising tensions in the Asia Pacific and “affirmed the importance of safeguarding maritime security and ensuring freedom of navigation and over flight throughout the region, especially in the South China Sea”. Similarly, the Tokyo Declaration mentions the intent of India and Japan to upgrade and bolster defence cooperation through bilateral and trilateral maritime exercises, to cooperate in transfer of Japanese defence equipment like the US-2 amphibious aircraft as well as technology, and the belief of their leaders that “a closer and stronger strategic partnership” between the two is indispensable for their prosperity and for advancing peace and prosperity in the world, in particular, in the inter-connected Asia, Pacific and Indian Ocean regions.

Modi has imparted a welcome robustness to our foreign policy in protecting Indian interests. Thus, he has not hesitated in calling off talks with Pakistan when red lines have been crossed or in conveying that unaffordable costs would be imposed for its adventurism. With China he did some hard talking to Xi Jinping on the Chumar incident and secured a commitment from the latter for an early settlement of the border issue. With the USA he resisted pressure to renege on India’s blocking of the Trade Facilitation Agreement pending a permanent solution to stocking for food security, and with Japan he didn’t give in to pressures on nuclear related issues.

Finally, he intends to use the diaspora as a tool in rebuilding India. This explains his intensive interaction and calling on them in the US to return and contribute to India’s development.

The writer is a Former Deputy National Security Adviser, Government of India.

Email: satchand18@gmail.com