http://www.telegraphindia.com/1140911/jsp/opinion/story_18807463.jsp#.VBEFn_mSzb4
Harsh V. Pant
Building on his personal chemistry with his Japanese counterpart, the prime minister, Narendra Modi, reached out to Japan in an unprecedented manner. Modi entertained his host country by displaying his skills as a drummer; he charmed the students by playing the flute and sharing Indian mythological stories during his visit to an elementary school; he expressed his gratitude to Japan for its “trust” in India; he gifted a copy of the Bhagavad Gita to the Japanese emperor, underlining that he had “nothing more valuable to give and the world has nothing more valuable to get”; chided China that “those with 18th-century ideas, [who] engage in encroachments and enter the seas” of others.
Japan also laid out a red-carpet for Modi, his first bilateral visit outside the subcontinent since becoming prime minister in May. Shinzo Abe also went out of his way to receive Modi in Kyoto, where he landed on August 30. Abe underlined that Japan-India relations had “more potential than any other ties in the world” and expressed his desire to elevate the relationship to a special strategic and global partnership.
Though India and Japan failed to conclude a deal on civil nuclear co-operation that would allow nuclear-armed India to import Japanese technology for its atomic power stations, Japan plans to invest $35 billion in private- and public-sector projects in India over the next five years. During Modi’s trip, India and Japan signed five pacts covering defence exchanges and cooperation in clean energy, roads and highways, and healthcare, among other issues. Japan also lifted the ban on six Indian entities including Hindustan Aeronautics Limited, which had been imposed in the aftermath of 1998 nuclear tests.
During the visit, Modi invited Japanese investments while hard-selling India as a conducive destination for business, particularly for the manufacturing sector. Delivering the keynote address at the Tokyo Stock Exchange, co-hosted by the Japan External Trade Organization, Modi assured the Japanese investors that “there is no red tape, but only red carpet that awaits you in India”. In Kyoto, a pact was signed under which Japan will help Modi’s Lok Sabha constituency, Varanasi, to develop on the pattern of Kyoto as a “smart city”.
Modi’s visit to Japan has certainly energized this bilateral relationship. While Delhi-Tokyo relations have been developing slowly and steadily over the last few years, the momentum seems to have left this very important bilateral partnership some time back. The discussions on civilian nuclear energy cooperation between the two states have been stuck for quite some time now. Abe has come to power in Japan with a strong pro-nuclear power agenda, so the time is ripe to regain the initiative on these negotiations.
China’s rise is the most significant variable in the Asian geostrategic landscape today, and both India and Japan would like to see a constructive China playing a larger role in the solving of regional and global problems rather than becoming a problem itself. Concerns are rising for both states, about China’s assertive diplomatic and military posture. But China’s attempts to test the diplomatic and military mettle of its neighbours will only bring Japan and India closer. While New Delhi and Tokyo would like greater transparency and restraint on Beijing’s part, there is now a need for them to be more candid about their expectations.
Of all recent Japanese leaders, Shinzo Abe has been the most enthusiastic about the future of India-Japan relationship, giving it an entirely new dimension. In his address to the joint session of the Indian Parliament in 2007, Abe had talked about a “broader Asia” constituted by the Pacific and Indian Ocean countries such as Japan, India, Australia and the United States, which share the common values of democracy, freedom and respect for basic human rights. He argued for greater cooperation among these states. In his book,Towards a Beautiful Country, Abe makes the case about Japan advancing its national interests by strengthening its ties with India. He has argued, “It will not be a surprise if in another decade Japan-India relations overtake Japan-US and Japan-China ties.”
Building on the idea of a triangular security dialogue between Washington, Tokyo, and Canberra initiated by his predecessor, Abe made known his desire to create a four-way strategic dialogue with the US, Australia and India, a framework that he stressed would be based on their shared universal values such as freedom, democracy, human rights, and rule of law. Since assuming office in 2012, Abe has once again underscored the importance of not only consolidating Japan’s historic alliance with the United States but also expressed a desire to deepen partnerships with India, Indonesia and Australia.
Because of domestic pathologies in both New Delhi and Tokyo, the promise of this partnership has not yet been realized so far. Under the Modi government, New Delhi now has a chance to give a new dimension to its ties with Tokyo. With a new leadership in Delhi with a decisive mandate, the old issues that once seemed insurmountable should be able to find some resolution. India should push Japan into giving Delhi-Tokyo ties a much more substantive dimension and move beyond old shibboleths. The time is right for India and Japan to seize the initiative and transform the strategic landscape in the Asia-Pacific.
In Abe’s words, “a strong India is in the best interest of Japan, and a strong Japan is in the best interest of India.” And now Modi has underlined that “without Japan, India is incomplete and without India, Japan is incomplete... Japan has hardware, India has software… together we can make miracles”. So, there is no excuse now not to build a strong partnership, especially as a rapidly rising China is out to challenge the pre-eminence of both Japan and India as major Asian powers.
The author is Professor of International Relations, Department of Defence Studies, King’s College, London
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