Dealing with Pakistani Taliban Government, military differences surface

G Parthasarathy

http://www.tribuneindia.com/2014/20140703/edit.htm#4

WHEN Nawaz Sharif was first elected to power in 1991 one expected that, unlike Benazir Bhutto, he would have a cosy relationship with the Army establishment. He had, after all, been brought into politics and patronised by Gen Zia-ul-Haq. He was voted to power as part of an Islamist alliance put together and funded by Gen Aslam Beg and the ISI chief, Lieut-Gen Asad Durrani. After having an uneasy relationship with his first Army Chief, Gen Asif Nawaz, Sharif was unceremoniously thrown out of office by the succeeding Army Chief, Waheed Kakkar. In his second term, Sharif forced his first Army Chief, Gen Jehangir Karamat, to quit for suggesting the constitution of a National Security Council. He was then deposed by General Musharraf following differences over who should take the responsibility for the Kargil fiasco.

Nawaz Sharif now has an uneasy and indeed hostile relationship with his present Army Chief, Gen Raheel Sharif. The attack on the Indian Consulate in Herat was executed just on the eve of the arrival of Nawaz Sharif in New Delhi. It drew international attention as having been executed by Lashkar-e-Taiba with the backing of the ISI. It is no secret that for two generations Hafeez Mohammed Saeed has been patronised by the Sharif family. The attack was a message to the world, to India and to Mr. Sharif himself that even Hafez Saeed was a creature of the Army establishment. It is self-evident that the sponsorship of terrorism in India and in Afghanistan is managed by Raheel Sharif and not Nawaz Sharif.

Sharif’s present differences with the military have arisen earlier than in his previous two terms. Within a year these differences escalated over the house arrest and trial of General Musharraf on charges, including his suspension of the Constitution. When the Sind High Court cleared the way for Musharraf to leave the country, Sharif immediately responded by an appeal to the Supreme Court. Any conviction of Musharraf would not only reduce the stature of the Army nationally and internationally, but also serve as a deterrent to future coups -- something the Army would just not tolerate. To add insult to injury, Nawaz Sharif backed the influential Jang group in its tirade against Army excesses in Balochistan together with a campaign against the ISI for allegedly attempting to kill its star TV anchor Hamid Mir. The Army responded with a programme of vicious intimidation of the media.

Nawaz Sharif and the Army also have serious differences on measures to deal with Tehriq e Taliban Pakistan (TTP). With political and parliamentary backing, Sharif decided to commence dialogue with the TTP and a ceasefire was put in place. The Army was unhappy as it sought to wreak revenge for the “cardinal sin” of the TTP in killing a Major General. While negotiations between the TTP and the government interlocutors were under way, the Army engineered an escalation of tensions with the TTP, compelling Nawaz Sharif to end the negotiations. Even before Sharif could make a formal announcement, the Army proceeded with a massive assault in North Waziristan, using air power (F 16 fighters), artillery and mechanised infantry. It is evident that the targets of the military wrath are exclusively the TTP and their Uzbek and Uighur allies. Predictably, the Haqqani network has been spared as they remain allies of the Pakistani military to destabilise and overthrow the government in Kabul.

Around 500,000 hapless Pashtuns have fled to the neighbouring tribal areas in the wake of the military offensive. To add insult to the injury, these Pashtuns have been denied entry into the Punjab and Sind provinces, where they could find refuge and employment. More than 70,000 Pashtuns have also fled to the neighbouring Khost and Paktia provinces of Afghanistan. Sharif sent Pashtun leader Mehmood Khan Achakzai to meet President Karzai and discuss the border situation amidst allegations by the Afghan government of violations of its borders by the Pakistan Army. In a letter to Nawaz Sharif, President Karzai has reportedly insisted that he would cooperate with Pakistan’s ongoing military operations only if Pakistan targets all terrorists without discrimination, ends shelling of Afghan territory and joins him in coordinating anti-terrorism efforts with “important regional nations like India and China”.

The impact of the army's onslaught in North Waziristan has been described vividly by Rustam Shah Mohamand, a Pashtun, who was earlier Pakistan's Ambassador to Kabul and Interior (Home) Secretary. Rustam Shah noted that instead of attacking positions held by the TTP, the Army "ordered all towns — densely populated settlements — to be vacated, forcing hundreds of thousands of civilians to move out, not knowing where they would be headed. The order was preceded by relentless air bombardment and a non-stop curfew on towns and villages. The civilians who perished in the bombardment by fighter jets had to be buried after funeral prayers". Mohamand's comments portray only part of the misery and suffering of hundreds of thousands of hapless Pashtun tribals, women and small children, fleeing to safe havens across the tribal areas.

Nawaz Sharif's leadership is also being challenged, at the instigation of the Army, by rivals like Imran Khan, Shujaat Hussain, Pervaiz Elahi and the dubious cleric, Tahirul Qadri. In his second year, the hapless Nawaz Sharif already appears to be in no position to check the Army's links with terrorist groups operating against India and Afghanistan. He would, however, retain some authority to promote economic, trade and energy cooperation with India. President Karzai has clearly spelt out in writing what he expects Pakistan should do on terrorism and dialogue with Afghanistan. India should do likewise, and propose hosting a trilateral breakfast meeting of the leaders of India, Afghanistan and Pakistan at the next SAARC Summit. To get Raheel Sharif involved, India could propose subsequent meetings of the Army Chiefs of the three SAARC countries to discuss and finalise measures to end cross-border terrorism.