19/05/2014
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The World Economic Forum on Africa, a mega event involving nearly 1000 participants which included leaders from business, government, civil society and academia, met in Nigeria from 07-09 May 2014, the theme - Forging Inclusive Growth, Creating Jobs. However, what belied the atmosphere of this mega-event, were regional security concerns highlighted by the clear and present danger posed by the activities of Boko Haram. On 14 April 2014, Boko Haram members had abducted 276 schoolgirls from their dormitories in Chibok in the Northeast Nigeria state of Borno. On 05 May 2014, a video was released by Boko Haram showing their leader Abubakar Shekau claiming responsibility for the abduction – his exact words were “I abducted your girls. I will sell them in the market, by Allah. Allah has instructed me to sell them. They are his property and I will carry out his instructions."
Origins. Boko Haram is the commonly referred name, in Hausa language, to a group officially called Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati Wal-Jihad in Arabic. Hausa is the Chadic language spoken by almost 52 million people as either a first or second language in West Africa (Map of Nigeria athttp://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/ae/Un-nig eria.png). While ‘Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati Wal-Jihad’translates into ‘the People Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet's Teachings and Jihad’, ‘Boko Haram’ simply means‘Western education (Boko) is forbidden (haram)’. Commonly believed to have first formed in 2002 by aMuslim cleric called Mohammed Yusuf, there are views that the group may have come out of a similar organisation called ‘Shabaab’ as early as 1995. In 2002, following his expulsion from two mosques in Maiduguri by Muslim clerics for preaching radical views, Mohammed Yusuf, a follower of Wahhabi/Salafi form of Islam, formed Boko Haram, with the aim of changing the secular government to an Islamist one. It was more of a movement and less of an insurgent organisation. One of the earliest actions ascribed to Boko Haram was attacks on police stations in two towns of Yobe state from 23-31 December 2003 by 200 Boko Haram members from an enclave on the Nigerian border with Niger. Several policemen were killed and vehicles and weapons stolen. Military was deployed to contain Boko Haram and 18 militants were killed and many arrested in follow up operations. Between 2002-2004 there were occasional actions by Boko Haram, mostly by splinter groups. Mohammed Yusuf remained free from arrest. From 2005-2008 the group was building up and gaining popularity amongst the population in Borno State. Between 2002 and 2009, Yusuf managed to gather a substantial following, primarily of young individuals upto 30 years of age, from poor and unemployed youths from states of northern Nigeria, and neighbouring bordering states of Niger, Chad and Cameroon. Called Yussufiyas, they joined Yusuf’s religious organisation where he propagated his ideology. Boko Haram also undertook social programmes targeted towards the poor. Thus Boko Haram was, in a way, a populist movement for the poor northerner expressing their opposition to the corrupt and rich image of the Nigerian State itself. In 2007, Buju Foi, a top ranking Boko Haram member, was even appointed commissioner of religious affairs in 2007, attesting to the fact that political leaders depended on the support Boko Haram could rein in.
Turning Point. In June 2009, Boko Haram members in a funeral procession were stopped by police in Maiduguri, Borno’s capital, while on their way to the cemetery to bury a comrade who had died in a car accident. Some were on motorcycles and refused to wear helmets. The confrontation led to shooting by police and fuelled Boko Haram uprisings in the Northern states of Bauchi, Borno, Yobe, and Kano. In response the Nigerian Military and police conducted operations to brutally suppress Boko Haram. Over 1000, including a number of civilians, were said to be killed, many extra-judicially, as part of brutal state tacticsincluding the execution of Mohammed Yusuf, who had been arrested and claimed to be shot by the military when he attempted to escape. (Al Jazeera video athttp://www.aljazeera.com/news/africa/2010/02/20102981149 49112.html). The current leader Abubakar Shekau, was also believed to have died in these operations, however obviously had escaped. Boko Haram was banned by the government and its infrastructure destroyed. Surviving members vanished appearing later as many splinter groups. After a brief lull, in September 2010 Boko Haram re-surfaced with a vengeance. In September 2010 they attacked a prison in Bauchi State and released 700 prisoners including 100 Boko Haram members. Since then Boko Haram has regularly perpetrated acts of violence, some more sensational than the others. The Council on Foreign Relations, a USA-based think tank, in its Nigeria Security Tracker, has collated the number of killings perpetrated by Boko Haram from 29 May 2011 till 30 April 2014, the day Goodluck Ebele Azikiwe Jonathan took over Presidency of Nigeria, as 4258. State violence against Boko Haram has been estimated to be 3866. Overall, in the same period, a total of 19,542 people have lost their lives due to various reasons which include Boko Haram, sectarian and other reasons of violence including state response, an average of almost 18 killings a day!
Targets and Tactics. As part of its tactics, Boko Haram targets have included Government functionaries, religious targets, schools, students, businesses, NGOs, political leaders, financial institutes, entertainment centres, media houses, foreigners and UN assets. Boko Haram seems to have displayed an ability to change its strategy and tactics, confusing the response of the state apparatus. It has resorted to assaults on multiple targets in a day, suicide bombings, kidnappings and killings of foreign hostages, the sensational attack on the UN HQ in Abuja, prison breaks, mass killings of civilians, use of military uniform of the Nigerian Military, attacks in both rural and urban centres, and of late has demonstrated capability of extending its areas of operation to Abuja. Boko Haram has now threatened actions in the Niger Delta in the South, far removed from its base in the North. In sum, after July 2009, Boko Haram has been increasing its goals, extending its areas of operations, opening out its target content and has developed its operational capabilities
Trans-national Linkages. The level of expertise in operations of Boko Haram suggest outside help. The group is believed to have ties with al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) operating in northwest Africa (the Boko Haram methodology and explosive used in the 26 August 2011 Abuja car bomb on the UN Regional headquarter building that killed 21 people is a fingerprint of AQIM), Somalia's al-Shabab (Boko Haram cadre from Nigeria have been training in al-Shabab training in Somalia) camps run by the militant group al-Shabab, and al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). In May 2013, unearthing of a cache of arms in Kano State in an underground bunker in the residence of a Lebanese national in Kano State indicate possible linkages between Hezbollah and Boko Haram. The AQIM and Hezbollah linkages have both been articulated by the USA.
Nigerian Dichotomy. Nigeria, with 174 million people, is Africa's most populous country. There are over 350 ethnic groups speaking 250 languages. The country is split between Muslims and Christians, with 10 percent of the people following indigenous sects. The Hausa-Fulani people who inhabit the North are mostly Muslims. The Yoruba of the south-west are divided between Muslims and Christians, while the Igbos of the south-east and neighbouring groups are mostly Christian or animist. The Middle region is inhabited by hundreds of groups with different beliefs. Muslims are in majority in northern states which have adopted Sharia (Islamic) law. Central states are a mix of Christians and Muslims and there are frequent clashes between them. The Southern states have a mix of Christians and animists. (Maps of Nigeria showing ethnic and religious break-up at http://www.b bc.com/news/world-africa-12893448 andhttp://www.geocurrents.info/wp-content/upload s/2011/05/Nigeria-Sharia-Map.jpg).
The North-South Divide. Nigeria is ranked 30th in the world in terms of GDP (PPP) as of 2012. Despite being the 12th largest producer of petroleum, 8th largest exporter, and possessing the 10th largest proven reserves, economic disparity between the rich south and poor north are stark. Niger Delta, possessing the large oil reserves is located in the south. So is Lagos, the commercial and media capital of the country. The Yoruba and the Ibo, who inhabit the South make up the majority of the Diaspora accounting for foreign exchange remittances from abroad. GDP is therefore skewed sharply in favour of those in the South. Similarly is the female literacy rate, vaccination rate and all other indicators of socio-economic conditions like health care, education and financial privileges. The population in the North is a little larger than the South, but is much poorer- the economy is in decline with deindustrialisation, lack of investment in agriculture and infrastructure, andhas the dubious distinction of some of the world’s worst health and economic indicators. (Maps of Nigeria showing ethnic break-up, wealth distribution, healthcare accessibility, literacy and oil resource distribution athttp://www.b bc.com/news/world-africa-12893448).
Corruption. Kleptocracy is pervasive in the Nigerian government. The Corruption Perceptions Index 2013 which scores 177 countries ranks Nigeria 144 along with Iran, Ukraine and Central African republic (India is ranked 94). Human Rights Watch said in a 2011 report that "corruption is so pervasive in Nigeria it has turned public service for many into a kind of criminal enterprise." Given the universal linkage between systemic corruptions in governments giving rise to insurgencies, the Nigerian government, accused of pilfering billions of dollars of oil revenues by its massively corrupt civil service may well have sowed the seed giving birth to Boko Haram.
History of Brutal Repression. Nigeria has seen a civil war (Biafran War, 1967 to 1970), anywhere from five to eight military coups or attempted coups, two assassinations of heads of state, and continuing domestic insurgencies – all in the 50 years of its existence. All these episodes have only ended in lending a frightening, and sometimes flippant acceptability, to the brutality practiced by their security forces and sanctioned by the State, to counter insurgencies. A 2009 Amnesty International report (PDF) said Nigerian police was responsible for hundreds of extrajudicial killings and disappearances each year that largely "go uninvestigated and unpunished." Amnesty also said that, in the first half of 2013, nearly one thousand people, mostly Islamist militants, died in military custody.
Limelight.The media blitz covering the abduction of the schoolgirls has had effect– the Boko Haram problem and the inability of President Jonathan’s government to handle the situation, both have been thrown into international glare overnight. The Nigerian government has been seen as incapable of handling the situation, the reasons for which could be many from President Jonathan is unwillingness to address the situation given the elections in 2015 to the inability of the Nigerian administration to reign in the situation.The government itself has been has been very cagey of the Boko Haram problem in general. News, whatever less comes out of the problem, is uncorroborated. Numbers and figures of incidents are often speculative. Nigeria, it appears, wants to keep the lid down on this simmering problem. In fact the kidnapping of these 276 girls remained away from international news but for the fact the Boko Haram released the video a couple of days before the World Economic Forum meet in Africa. After refusing international assistance to counter the Boko Haram problem, less financial assistance, Nigeria has now agreed to accept help. Lieutenant General David Rodriguez, Commander US-AFRICOM was in Nigeria for discussions. Advisers from the USA, Britain and Israel and a US surveillance plane have joined the search for the hostages. Boko Haram has offered to trade the girls for release of all their cadres in prison and for once the Nigerian administration seems open to discussion with Boko Haram.
Crystal-Gaze. Given the complex contradictions that Nigeria finds itself in, divining the future is a difficult proposition. While any immediate action to trace, retrieve or rescue the hostages is critical, Boko Haram’s deeds force attention not only to the violence they perpetrate, but also the deep-seated inequality, poverty, state corruption and brutality in Nigeria. The Boko Haram issue has the capability of spilling over the borders in a bigger way giving rise to a movement of larger dimensions, controlling which would then be a major issue. Nigeria needs to cooperate with other countries to address the menace of Boko Haram. Nigerian security forces need to be trained to deal with the insurgency. The government needs to look into the development of the North by apportioning its oil wealth as required. Most importantly, Nigeria should get a hold on its instituionalised corruption in the government. While addressing the Boko Haram problem directly in the immediate term, good governance, healthy politics, and equitable economic growth, will be the key in the long term. Turning a blind eye to the symptoms will only lead Nigeria to even intractable situations. In the words of a National Geographic reporter covering Nigeria in November 2013 - “As I continued reporting, it became apparent that the insurgency’s gravest toll on Nigeria isn’t physical. It’s existential. Boko Haram has become a kind of national synonym for fear, a repository for Nigerians’ worst anxieties about their society and where it’s headed. Those anxieties touch on the most elemental aspects of Nigerian life—ethnicity, religion, regional inequities, the legacy of colonialism—and not least is the anxiety that Nigerian leaders are wholly incapable of facing this insurgency, indeed unwilling to face it, much less the social fissures beneath it. Or worse, that the leaders are no better than the insurgents. That the state is Boko Haram.”
The author is a Senior Fellow at CLAWS. Views expressed are personal.
References
Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria: Its Implication and Way Forwards toward Avoidance of Future Insurgency by OlaideAroin International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications,Volume 3, Issue 11, November 2013 1 ISSN 2250-3153
Nigeria's Troubled North: Interrogating the Drivers of Public Support for Boko Haram AkinolaOlojo, ICCT Research Paper, October 2013
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