Pak-TTP talks: A hiatus for reinforcement?

http://www.dailypioneer.com/columnists/oped/pak-ttp-talks-a-hiatus-for-reinforcement.html

Saturday, 19 April 2014 | Swarn Kumar Anand | 

Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan's decision to cancel the ceasefire deal is a setback for the Sharif Government, which came to power with a vow to end terrorism through peaceful means instead of military operations

In the run up to parliamentary elections in Pakistan a year ago when Nawaz Sharif had promised to usher in a new era of peace in the war-torn Islamic state by seeking reconciliation with the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), he would not have imagined the situation will come to such a pass which will call for review of his policy. With deep divisions within the TTP over sluggish progress in talks leading to the collapse of ceasefire agreement, the Pakistan Government is in a fix over how to go ahead with its plan of“mollycoddling” medieval Islamists. It is an uphill task for the Sharif Government to formulate a course of action in the wake of the “double-meaning” announcement of the TTP — talks amid resumption of terror attacks.

Pakistani intellectuals have been at odds with one another on the nature of treatment the TTP merited from the government. While Sharif has always avoided military option against religious extremists, liberals still believe that the only feasible solution to the scourge is surgical removal of the malignant elements. They believe concessions like negotiations will only embolden the radicals. And therefore, from the outset of deliberations between the Sharif Government and the TTP, there has been little expectation from the futile exercise.

Post-mortem

While the TTP has ascribed its out-of-the-blue resolution to call off ceasefire to the violation of agreements by the Pakistani military in northwestern tribal areas, this is half truth. In fact, there was never a serious attempt by the TTP to reach a peaceful consensus. The TTP has not yet recognised the Constitution of Pakistan and it abhors secular parliamentary democracy in the Islamic country. On the other hand, even though there has been lack of clarity among government agencies about how much to expect from the dialogue with the militant group, the Sharif Government somehow managed to persuade the US to halt drone strikes on TTP terrorists to bring Islamist insurgents to the negotiating table.

However, despite all the compromise, the Pakistan-TTP talks are bearing no result. First, because the infighting among pro-peace and anti-peace factions of the Taliban has begun a slugfest among their leadership, inviting intervention of Afghan Taliban leader Mullah Omar. And therefore, perhaps the decision to end ceasefire agreement was aimed at mollifying the hardcore section.

Second, as ceasefire is a precondition for any meaningful deliberation, TTP’s assertion that talks will continue despite the resumption of hostility is confounding.

Third, the Sharif Government is unable to accept TTP’s demands to kill democracy and impose their stone-age will on the citizens. Their insistence is seen as bullying by the Government. While, the Constitution of Pakistan does have many laws from Sharia, the TTP is pushing for regressive regulations like Hudood Ordinance, which provides for the amputation of limbs for trivial crimes. Their incredible zeal to make legislations on the lines of the Blasphemy law has already alarmed the liberal Pakistanis whose murmur against Islamists’ efforts to shame “the religion of peace” has found few takers.

Fourth, the TTP has been successful, to an extent, in wedging a rift between the all-powerful Pakistan Army and the civilian government. Sharif, who has a history of taking on the army, is already feeling the heat. But the Taliban’s demand to free the masterminds of the GHQ attacks is like rubbing salt into the wounds of the Pakistan Army, and seeking moon from the Sharif Government. However, only the TTP can’t be blamed for the sorry state of affairs in Pakistan. The non-state actors thrived in Pakistan with the connivance of State agencies.

Wayward children

Pakistan is reaping what it has been sowing for the last six decades to wage a proxy war on India. During the US invasion of Afghanistan, it allowed Taliban safe haven in Pakistan in the hope that these forces can be used against India. So blatant and overt was the support that the then ISI chief,

Lt Gen Ahmed Shuja Pasha, had hailed then TTP chief Baitullah Mehsud a loyal and patriotic Pakistani just after the 26/11 attacks in Mumbai. Probably, Pasha was trying to win over the TTP in the event of India attacking Pakistan. Interestingly, the scene has reversed. Afghan Taliban, which have been financing the TTP, are now giving shelter to the most-wanted assassins of Major General Sanaullah Niazi.

Now, it seems it has dawned on the Pakistan Army and the ISI that they have been raising Frankenstein, and that is why they are warning Afghan Taliban against covert support to their new enemy no. 1 — the TTP.

Back to square one!

Now, as the US-led forces are planning to depart from Afghanistan with the hard-earned realisation that there is no hope of a military victory over Taliban, Pakistan has become the victim of its own game. But it is too late for a reverse course.

Sustained help to these terror groups, including the TTP, have earned them a kind of legitimacy and some public support in Pakistan. So fragile is the situation that the government can’t wage an all-out war against the TTP and other militant groups, or allow themselves to be superseded by their exponential growth.

Sharif-headed Cabinet Committee on National Security has decided to “wait and watch” and keep poised to respond “militarily” if need be. Only time will tell how correct Sharif’s policy has been to go slow against the TTP.

One thing is certain: By calling the TTP to the negotiating table, Nawaz Sharif has recognised the strength of the terror group. Now, if military solution is the only option, Sharif will have much to explain about his soft pursuit. 

(The writer is News Editor & Associate Editor, The Pioneer)