February 2014 | G Parthasarathy |
India and Japan, along with Asean member states, are coming together to craft a stable balance of power in Asia, in the face of a Chinese push for hegemony in the continent
When Prime Minister Narasimha Rao embarked on his ‘Look East’ policies, as India moved from an era of socialistic stagnation to economic liberalisation, his primary aim was to accelerate economic growth by integrating India’s economy, with the fastest growing economies in the world, in East and Southeast Asia. The primary focus of attention was on closer economic integration with member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, across the Bay of Bengal, with Myanmar acting as the land bridge to these countries. The relationship with Japan remained stagnant, because of strong Japanese objections to India’s nuclear programme and tests in 1998.
Just over 15 years later, India’s relations with Japan are blossoming. This was evident in the reception accorded to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, when he was the chief guest at this year’s Republic Day celebrations. Japan has, for too long, chosen to remain on the sidelines, on issues pertaining to regional security, as some of its neighbours and even allies like the US, never tired of reminding it, of alleged atrocities in World War II. But, present generation Japanese leaders like Prime Ministers Junichiro Koizumi and Shinzo Abe believe that Japan need no longer feel inhibited in playing a role commensurate with the immense economic power and military potential of their country. While linked to the US in a military alliance, the Japanese feel that recent American actions indicate that the two countries are not entirely on the same page, on how to respond to growing Chinese aggressiveness on the latter’s maritime borders with South Korea, Japan, Taiwan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei. China has not hesitated to use force in asserting its maritime border claims with Vietnam and more recently the Philippines.
Tensions between Japan and China have escalated sharply over the disputed Senkaku Islands, which have been under Japanese control since 1895. The US-Japanese Defence Treaty covers defence of these islands. Provocative Chinese maritime actions near these Islands and beyond, together with a unilateral Chinese Declaration of an Air Defence Identification Zone, require all foreign aircraft flying across the East China Sea to identify themselves to Chinese authorities. These actions have raised serious concerns. The Chinese ADIZ unilaterally extends Chinese sovereignty over the East China Sea. It challenges Japan’s sovereignty over the Senkaku islands. Unlike India, which responds meekly to Chinese intrusions, Japan has reacted strongly to Chinese provocations.
The Abe Government has begun strengthening its already formidable defence forces. On December 12, 2013, Japan announced a new five-year defence plan, aimed at filling gaps in its defences in the event of a military conflict with China. The defence build-up includes acquisitions of maritime surveillance aircraft, mobile fighting vehicles, aerial refuelling aircraft and advanced fifth generation fighter jets. On December 18, Japan hosted a significant regional summit, attended by nine out of 10 Asean heads of Government. A Japanese aid package of $20 billion was announced. The Summit Declaration was critical of Chinese policies asserting the “importance of maintaining peace and stability in the region, promoting maritime security, freedom of navigation, and unimpeded commerce by exercise of self-restraint and resolution of disputes by peaceful means”. Japan and Asean agreed to strengthen maritime cooperation to meet these objectives.
Prime Minister Abe’s visit to India was clearly intended to build a stable balance of power in Asia to counter growing Chinese assertiveness. Defence cooperation and joint military exercises with Japan have grown in recent years, with Japan as India’s only partner where officials from the respective Defence and Foreign/External Affairs Ministries jointly meet their counterparts. This dialogue is being raised to the level of National Security Advisers. Moreover, the annual India-US naval exercises are now to include ships from Japan’s navy. Thus, we are moving to a situation where India and Japan, together with the US, will hold naval exercises in both the Indian and Pacific Oceans. Both India and Japan, which is even more dependent than China on imported oil and gas, share an interest in maintaining the security of sea lanes across the Pacific and Indian Oceans. This constitutes an effective answer to Chinese maritime ambitions.
Perhaps the most important development that the mandarins in Beijing will note is the assertion by the Prime Ministers of Japan and India underscoring “the importance of over flight and civil aviation safety in accordance with the recognised principles of international law and the relevant standards and recommended practices of the International Civil Aviation Authority”. In effect, Tokyo and New Delhi have told Beijing that its declaration of an Air Defence Identification Zone is illegal. Coming barely six weeks after a similar declaration by Japan and Asean, China will have to swallow the fact that its territorial and extra-territorial claims are inadmissible and unacceptable. China has, in recent years, used force to enforce outrageous territorial claims on the Philippines and Vietnam. It has incrementally sought, in recent days to move its territorial claims to south of the Karakoram range in Chumar, while New Delhi has dithered and deluded itself into believing that setting up a new ‘mechanism’ will end the Chinese appetite for ever expanding territorial claims across its land and maritime boundaries.
The Abe visit came at a time when bilateral ties were on an upswing. Trade ties have rapidly expanded after the Comprehensive Economic Partnership came into force in 2011. Bilateral trade is expected to reach $24 billion this year, from$ 18.3 billion last year. Japanese investment is steadily expanding, particularly in the automotive sector, with larger investment flows expected in fast trains and the Metro rail networks in Delhi and Chennai. Japan is now committed to promoting investment of Japanese companies in the development of National Manufacturing Zones in India. India-Japan joint projects are envisaged along the Delhi-Mumbai industrial corridor and the Chennai-Bangalore industrial corridor. It is crucial that Japanese investment is promoted in key areas like electronics and communications, where the current over-dependence on imports from China is not desirable.
The Abe visit has laid a strong foundation for expanding cooperation. Two major Asian powers have agreed to craft a stable balance of power in Asia, in the face of a Chinese push for hegemony in the continent. It comes at a time when there is growing scepticism about the Obama Administration, given its continuing flip flops in its policies towards Iran and Afghanistan and in its much touted ‘pivot’ in the Asia-Pacific. India can, however, play a proactive role in this context, only if it restores policies conducive to rapid economic growth.
When Prime Minister Narasimha Rao embarked on his ‘Look East’ policies, as India moved from an era of socialistic stagnation to economic liberalisation, his primary aim was to accelerate economic growth by integrating India’s economy, with the fastest growing economies in the world, in East and Southeast Asia. The primary focus of attention was on closer economic integration with member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, across the Bay of Bengal, with Myanmar acting as the land bridge to these countries. The relationship with Japan remained stagnant, because of strong Japanese objections to India’s nuclear programme and tests in 1998.
Just over 15 years later, India’s relations with Japan are blossoming. This was evident in the reception accorded to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, when he was the chief guest at this year’s Republic Day celebrations. Japan has, for too long, chosen to remain on the sidelines, on issues pertaining to regional security, as some of its neighbours and even allies like the US, never tired of reminding it, of alleged atrocities in World War II. But, present generation Japanese leaders like Prime Ministers Junichiro Koizumi and Shinzo Abe believe that Japan need no longer feel inhibited in playing a role commensurate with the immense economic power and military potential of their country. While linked to the US in a military alliance, the Japanese feel that recent American actions indicate that the two countries are not entirely on the same page, on how to respond to growing Chinese aggressiveness on the latter’s maritime borders with South Korea, Japan, Taiwan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei. China has not hesitated to use force in asserting its maritime border claims with Vietnam and more recently the Philippines.
Tensions between Japan and China have escalated sharply over the disputed Senkaku Islands, which have been under Japanese control since 1895. The US-Japanese Defence Treaty covers defence of these islands. Provocative Chinese maritime actions near these Islands and beyond, together with a unilateral Chinese Declaration of an Air Defence Identification Zone, require all foreign aircraft flying across the East China Sea to identify themselves to Chinese authorities. These actions have raised serious concerns. The Chinese ADIZ unilaterally extends Chinese sovereignty over the East China Sea. It challenges Japan’s sovereignty over the Senkaku islands. Unlike India, which responds meekly to Chinese intrusions, Japan has reacted strongly to Chinese provocations.
The Abe Government has begun strengthening its already formidable defence forces. On December 12, 2013, Japan announced a new five-year defence plan, aimed at filling gaps in its defences in the event of a military conflict with China. The defence build-up includes acquisitions of maritime surveillance aircraft, mobile fighting vehicles, aerial refuelling aircraft and advanced fifth generation fighter jets. On December 18, Japan hosted a significant regional summit, attended by nine out of 10 Asean heads of Government. A Japanese aid package of $20 billion was announced. The Summit Declaration was critical of Chinese policies asserting the “importance of maintaining peace and stability in the region, promoting maritime security, freedom of navigation, and unimpeded commerce by exercise of self-restraint and resolution of disputes by peaceful means”. Japan and Asean agreed to strengthen maritime cooperation to meet these objectives.
Prime Minister Abe’s visit to India was clearly intended to build a stable balance of power in Asia to counter growing Chinese assertiveness. Defence cooperation and joint military exercises with Japan have grown in recent years, with Japan as India’s only partner where officials from the respective Defence and Foreign/External Affairs Ministries jointly meet their counterparts. This dialogue is being raised to the level of National Security Advisers. Moreover, the annual India-US naval exercises are now to include ships from Japan’s navy. Thus, we are moving to a situation where India and Japan, together with the US, will hold naval exercises in both the Indian and Pacific Oceans. Both India and Japan, which is even more dependent than China on imported oil and gas, share an interest in maintaining the security of sea lanes across the Pacific and Indian Oceans. This constitutes an effective answer to Chinese maritime ambitions.
Perhaps the most important development that the mandarins in Beijing will note is the assertion by the Prime Ministers of Japan and India underscoring “the importance of over flight and civil aviation safety in accordance with the recognised principles of international law and the relevant standards and recommended practices of the International Civil Aviation Authority”. In effect, Tokyo and New Delhi have told Beijing that its declaration of an Air Defence Identification Zone is illegal. Coming barely six weeks after a similar declaration by Japan and Asean, China will have to swallow the fact that its territorial and extra-territorial claims are inadmissible and unacceptable. China has, in recent years, used force to enforce outrageous territorial claims on the Philippines and Vietnam. It has incrementally sought, in recent days to move its territorial claims to south of the Karakoram range in Chumar, while New Delhi has dithered and deluded itself into believing that setting up a new ‘mechanism’ will end the Chinese appetite for ever expanding territorial claims across its land and maritime boundaries.
The Abe visit came at a time when bilateral ties were on an upswing. Trade ties have rapidly expanded after the Comprehensive Economic Partnership came into force in 2011. Bilateral trade is expected to reach $24 billion this year, from$ 18.3 billion last year. Japanese investment is steadily expanding, particularly in the automotive sector, with larger investment flows expected in fast trains and the Metro rail networks in Delhi and Chennai. Japan is now committed to promoting investment of Japanese companies in the development of National Manufacturing Zones in India. India-Japan joint projects are envisaged along the Delhi-Mumbai industrial corridor and the Chennai-Bangalore industrial corridor. It is crucial that Japanese investment is promoted in key areas like electronics and communications, where the current over-dependence on imports from China is not desirable.
The Abe visit has laid a strong foundation for expanding cooperation. Two major Asian powers have agreed to craft a stable balance of power in Asia, in the face of a Chinese push for hegemony in the continent. It comes at a time when there is growing scepticism about the Obama Administration, given its continuing flip flops in its policies towards Iran and Afghanistan and in its much touted ‘pivot’ in the Asia-Pacific. India can, however, play a proactive role in this context, only if it restores policies conducive to rapid economic growth.
http://www.dailypioneer.com/columnists/edit/asian-powers-join-hands-to-counter-rising-china.html
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